الانتخابات البرلمانية المجرية 2026

(تم التحويل من 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election)

الانتخابات البرلمانية المجرية 2026
→ 2022 12 April 2026 2030 ←
→ List of members of the National Assembly of Hungary (2022–2026)
List of members of the National Assembly of Hungary (2026–2030) ←
All 199 seats in the National Assembly
100 seats needed for a majority
Opinion polls
Registered7,452,428
Turnout79.55% (▲ 9.96 pp)
  First party Second party Third party
 
Péter Magyar MEP (2024).jpg
Viktor Orbán, 2025.12.18.jpg
Toroczkai László 2024 (cropped).jpg
الزعيم Péter Magyar Viktor Orbán László Toroczkai
الحزب Tisza Party Fidesz Our Homeland Movement
الائتلاف Fidesz–KDNP
زعيم منذ 22 July 2024 17 May 2003[أ] 23 June 2018
مقعد الزعيم Budapest 3 (won) National list National list
آخر انتخابات Did not contest 135 seats, 54.13% 6 seats, 5.88%
المقاعد المكتسبة 137 56 6
تغير المقعد New party Decrease 79 مستقر
Constituency vote 3,079,646 2,138,002 330,867
% 54.41% 37.77% 5.85%
Party vote 3,112,064 2,323,718 342,416
% and swing 52.44% (New) 39.15% (Decrease 14.98 pp) 5.77% (Decrease 0.11 pp)

Cabinet before election

Fifth Orbán Government
Fidesz–KDNP

Designated Cabinet

Magyar Government
Tisza Party

Parliamentary elections were held in Hungary on 12 April 2026 to elect all 199 members of the National Assembly. It was the 10th parliamentary election, and the highest-turnout election, since Hungary's transition to democracy in 1990. The opposition Tisza Party, led by former Fidesz member and MEP Péter Magyar, won the election in a landslide, defeating the incumbent Fidesz–KDNP government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and ending the 16-year Orbán era. Tisza won a two-thirds supermajority, which is sufficient to amend the Constitution of Hungary.

Orbán is the leader of Fidesz, variously described as a Christian nationalist, national conservative, right-wing populist, or far-right political party. Fidesz is the primary party of its alliance with KDNP. Orbán has been in office since 2010; under his tenure, Hungary has undergone democratic backsliding. In contrast, the centre-right Tisza ran on a pro-European, anti-corruption, centrist, and populist platform.

In the lead up to the election, analysts described the election as the most important one in the European Union (EU) in 2026 and a referendum on whether Hungary would continue to drift towards authoritarianism and Russia or change course towards liberal democracy and the EU. There were fraud accusations before the elections by both major parties.

Preliminary returns indicated Tisza had won 138 seats. Fidesz is projected to lose over half of its seats, winning 55. Results closely tracked independent polling showing Tisza with a clear lead, while pro-government pollsters projected a Fidesz win. Orbán conceded defeat on election night and congratulated Magyar, as did various international leaders. Magyar's victory has been described as a victory for the EU and a loss for Russia, the United States, and the global far-right.

Background

Hungary under Viktor Orbán

المقالة الرئيسية: Hungary under Viktor Orbán

Orbán served as Prime Minister of Hungary from 1998 to 2002 and again from 2010 until 2026, and as the president of the Fidesz party and the co-president of Fidesz–KDNP alliance.[1][2][3] His government promoted Christian nationalism.[1][2] During his rule, Hungary underwent major constitutional, political, and institutional changes that led many observers to describe it as a hybrid regime, or illiberal democracy,[4] that blends democracy with authoritarianism as it moved away from the rule of law.[5] In a 2014 speech, Orbán himself described Hungary under his rule as an "illiberal state".[6][7][8] Initially a liberal during the 1990s and early 2000s, he eventually evolved his politics closer to the radical right and the far-right,[9][10][11] being widely considered one of the leaders of the global far-right.[11]

The 2026 election was scheduled for 12 April,[12] the same day of the successful 2003 Hungarian European Union membership referendum.[13] The major opposition came from Magyar of the centre-right and his Tisza Party, a centrist and pro-European political party.[14][15] Politico Europe described it as the most important election in the European Union (EU) in 2026,[16] while DW News described the election as a referendum on whether Hungary would continue to drift towards authoritarianism and Russia or change course towards liberal democracy and the EU.[17]

2022 election

المقالة الرئيسية: 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election

On 3 April 2022, with 54.13% of the popular vote, Fidesz–KDNP received the highest vote share by any party or alliance since 1990. It won two-thirds of the seats for the fourth time. The United for Hungary alliance suffered a massive defeat and was shortly after dissolved; its members sat in separate political groups in the National Assembly. From other minor parties, only Our Homeland Movement reached the threshold for entry, while Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party, Solution Movement, and Party of Normal Life did not.[18] The European Parliament views Hungary as a "hybrid regime of electoral autocracy" since 2022 and considers Hungary according to Article 7.1 of the Treaty on European Union in clear risk of a serious breach of the Treaty on European Union.[19][20] In January 2024, a majority of MEPs voted for a resolution demanding that the Council of the European Union consider that Hungary be stripped of its EU voting rights under Article 7 of the Treaty.[21]

Rise of TISZA

Magyar and Orbán shaking hands in the European Parliament in 2024
Magyar campaigning at a rally in Siófok in 2025

On 2 February 2024, it was revealed that President Katalin Novák had granted a pardon in April 2023 to a criminal involved in a pedophilia case.[22] The Novák scandal resulted in her resignation and that of former justice minister Judit Varga, who had countersigned the pardon.[23] Not long after, Magyar (Varga's ex-husband) posted on Facebook that he would resign from all of his government-related positions, stating that the past few years had made him realize that the idea of a "national, sovereign, bourgeois Hungary" stated as the goal of Orbán's rule was in fact a "political product" serving to obscure massive corruption and transfers of wealth to those with the right connections.[24]

On 15 March 2024, Magyar, despite initially refusing to participate in politics, held a rally attended by tens of thousands in Budapest at which he announced the formation of a new political party.[25] According to polling conducted that month, around 15% of voters claimed they were "certain or highly likely" to vote for Magyar if he ran for office.[26] On 10 April 2024, Magyar announced his bid to run in both the European and Budapest Assembly elections with the then unknown Tisza Party, which finished in second place with nearly 30% of votes, the highest number and percentage of votes by any non-Fidesz party since 2006. Following the midterm elections, the strengthening of the Tisza Party continued and according to the independent/opposition-aligned polls, by the end of the year it had become the most popular political party in Hungary, or at least a close competitor to Fidesz, thus overturning the continuous dominance of ruling parties that had lasted since the Őszöd speech came to light.[27][28]

The Tisza Party selected 103 of its 106 future candidates for the election in a two-round primary late 2025. The party put forward 3 nominees in each district and in the first round all Tisza Sziget members above the age of 16 could vote. Voting took place via a modified Borda count. In the second round, voting was opened also to all resident citizens above 18 who could vote for either of the two advancing candidates. Winners were announced on 28 November 2025.[29]

Collapse of the old opposition

Prior to the presidential pardon scandal, the Democratic Coalition was considered as the strongest opposition party; its leading member Klára Dobrev even formed a one-party shadow cabinet in September 2022, which clearly indicated the role of the main challenger against the other opposition parties.[30] Public opinion polls, however, in the two years after the 2022 parliamentary election measured the party's support at a maximum of 20%. Except for the Momentum Movement, Our Homeland Movement and Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party, the opposition parties – Hungarian Socialist Party, Jobbik, Dialogue – The Greens' Party and LMP – Hungary's Green Party – usually did not reach the threshold according to public opinion polls.[31][32] The two years after the 2022 election were characterized by frozen party relations and political apathy, similar to much of the Orbán era, which consisted of a dominant ruling Fidesz–KDNP and, far behind, the medium and small opposition parties competing with each other for a non-growing bloc of opposition voters.[33] Moreover, the governance by decree, introduced due to the permanent "state of emergency" due to the COVID-19 pandemic and later the Russo-Ukrainian war, significantly eroded the political significance of the parliament.[34]

The appearance and rapid advance of the Tisza Party completely rearranged the political party structure.[32] A few days after Magyar announced his intention to found a party on 15 March 2024, the not-yet-formed political formation was polled at 15%.[26] As a result, the Democratic Coalition concluded an electoral alliance with the Hungarian Socialist Party and the Dialogue – The Greens' Party on 28 March 2024. They agreed that the three parties will run on a unified Social Democrat–Green list, called DK–MSZP–Dialogue Alliance, in the upcoming European Parliament and local elections.[35] The European Parliament election on 9 June 2024 was a complete disaster for the opposition parties; only DK–MSZP–Dialogue Alliance and Our Homeland Movement obtained mandates besides Fidesz–KDNP and Tisza Party, while the remaining parties – Momentum Movement, Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party, Jobbik, LMP – Hungary's Green Party, Second Reform Era Party, Everybody's Hungary People's Party and Solution Movement – did not. The Tisza Party's performance was characterized by the media as a challenge to the ruling political elite.[36][37][38] The parliamentary opposition was mostly able to retain its seats in the local elections because the newly organized Tisza Party did not participate in that election – with the exception of Budapest. Klára Dobrev dissolved her shadow cabinet on the next day.[39] The DK–MSZP–Dialogue Alliance also ceased to exist in October 2024.[40][41] While the Tisza Party gradually caught up with Fidesz–KDNP during 2025, and then left it behind in the polls, the parliamentary opposition parties completely eroded.[32]

In May 2025, former Momentum Movement leader András Fekete-Győr urged his party not to contest in the upcoming parliamentary election, claiming that it would only result in the dispersion of opposition votes. His proposal resulted in numerous statements and discussions in the political public in the upcoming weeks.[42] In the next month, two opposition parties, the Everybody's Hungary Peoples' Party and the Momentum Movement decided not to run in the next election in the interest of government change.[43][44] In Summer 2025, the Yes Solidarity for Hungary Movement, which ran with the Hungarian Workers' Party as Leftist Alliance in some constituencies in 2022 decided not to contest in the upcoming parliamentary election.[45] In January 2026, three other opposition parties – Solution Movement, Second Reform Era Party and LMP – Hungary's Green Party – announced within a week that they will not run in the parliamentary election.[46][47][48] On 7 February 2026, Dialogue – The Greens' Party, announced their withdrawal from participation after the rapid failure of their new attempt called the Humanists' Party.[49][50] On 20 February, the Hungarian Socialist Party – which once governed Hungary between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and is one of only two parties remaining from the change of system, alongside Fidesz–KDNP – withdrew from the election, saying that an electoral system that amounted to "legalised cheating" could only be overcome by uniting behind "the strongest opposition candidate" regardless of party.[51] During the campaign period, Jobbik – which previously tried unsuccessfully to set up a party list, similar to the Hungarian Workers' Party–Party of Solidarity alliance and Party of Normal Life – also withdrew some of its individual candidates in favor of government change.[52][53]

Amendment of the electoral law

انظر أيضاً: 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election results by constituency and List of constituencies of Hungary

On 17 December 2024, the National Assembly voted on changes to the constituencies. As a result, the number of electoral districts in Budapest decreased from 18 to 16, while in Pest County the number of districts increased from 12 to 14. Border changes in some parts of Csongrád-Csanád County and Fejér County also happened. The ruling Fidesz–KDNP made the decision citing demographic changes in the 2022 census. According to the opposition, the real goal was to weaken their position in the constituencies, mainly capital ones, where they were previously elected directly.[54] The changes were accused of amounting to gerrymandering, with the opposition Tisza Party needing to win by around 3–5 points in the national vote in order to get a majority in the Assembly.[55]

Abolished constituencies

New constituencies

Electoral system

المقالة الرئيسية: Electoral system of Hungary
Hungarian constituency map

The 199 members of the National Assembly were elected by mixed-member majoritarian representation; 106 elected in single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post voting, while the other 93 elected from a single nationwide constituency, by modified proportional representation. The electoral threshold is set at 5% for single party lists, 10% for joint lists of two parties and 15% for joint lists of three or more parties. Since 2014, each of the Armenian, Bulgarian, Croatian, German, Greek, Polish, Romani, Romanian, Rusyn, Serbian, Slovak, Slovenian, and Ukrainian ethnic minorities can win one of the 93 party lists seats if they register as a specific list and reach a lowered quota of 14×93=1372 of the sum of party list votes and unused constituency votes of parties passing the electoral threshold, together with the votes cast for national minority lists.[56] Each minority is able to send a minority spokesman – without the rights of an MP – to the National Assembly, if the list does not reach this lowered quota.[57][58][59] Fractional votes, calculated as all the votes of individual candidates not elected (but associated with a party list over the threshold), as well as surplus votes cast for successful candidates (margin of victory minus 1 vote), are added to the direct lists votes of the respective parties or alliances. Seats are then allocated using the D'Hondt method.[60]

Contesting parties and candidates

A national list can be submitted by a party with an individual candidate in 71 constituencies, at least 14 counties, and Budapest.[61][62]

Parties Ideology Leader Individual candidates[63] Candidates of national lists
Fidesz–KDNP Christian nationalism[64]
Illiberalism[65]
Authoritarianism[66] 		Viktor Orbán
Zsolt Semjén 		106 279[67]
MH Ultranationalism
Neo-fascism[68] 		László Toroczkai 106 240[69]
Tisza Conservatism[70]
Populism[71]
Pro-Europeanism[72] 		Péter Magyar 106 185[73]
DK Social liberalism
Pro-Europeanism 		Klára Dobrev 100 108[74]
MKKP Anti-establishment
Political satire 		Gergely Kovács
Zsuzsanna Döme 		75 63[75]
Workers' Party–Solidarity Anti-capitalism
Democratic socialism 		Gyula Thürmer
Sándor Székely (hu) 		59
Jobbik Conservatism
Hungarian nationalism 		Béla Adorján 40
NÉP Anti-establishment[76]
Vaccine hesitancy[76] 		György Gődény 6
Centre Party Centrism[77] Kornél Mihály Vörös 5
NEEM Pseudo-historical nationalism[78] Alfréd Pócs 2
LMP Green liberalism Péter Ungár
Katalin Szabó-Kellner 		1
MIÉP Hungarian irredentism – 1
Irány Centrism
Liberal democracy 		Dezső Farkas 1

Independents

A total of 31 independent candidates contested the elections.

List
  • Piroska Judit Bagdi
  • Sarolta Baloghné Rusznyák
  • Miklós Bereczki
  • Erika Burai
  • Antal Csárdi
  • Zoltán Daróczi
  • András Dohány
  • Anna Dohányné Varró
  • Norbert Gerencsér
  • Ákos Hadházy
  • István Hiller
  • Sándor Jancsek
  • Demien Jelinek
  • Tibor Koltai
  • Mihály Kőszegi
  • Milán Lajos
  • Attila Lakatos
  • Szilárd Leitner
  • Péter Magyar
  • Géza Mészáros
  • Ádám Mirkóczki
  • Imre Nagy
  • Károly Németh
  • Szilveszter Németh
  • Ferenc Pintér
  • Domonkos Samu
  • György Simonka
  • Tibor Szanyi
  • Jenő Turó
  • Richárd Túró
  • Csongor Vékony

Individual MPs not standing for re-election

Name Constituency Party Reason Member since Ref.
András Aradszki Érd KDNP Retiring 2010 [79]
György Czerván Nagykáta Fidesz Retiring 1998 [79]
Sándor Farkas Szentes Fidesz Only on list 1998 [79]
Miklós Hajnal Budapest XII Momentum Retiring 2022 [80]
Csaba Hende Szombathely Fidesz Resignation[ب] 2002 [79]
Tamás Herczeg Békéscsaba Fidesz Retiring 2018 [79]
Dezső Hiszékeny Budapest XIII MSZP Retiring 2014 [51]
Richárd Hörcsik Sátoraljaújhely Fidesz Retiring 1998 [79]
András Jámbor Budapest VIII Dialogue Retiring 2022 [81]
Mária Kállai Szolnok Fidesz Only on list 2018 [79]
Ákos Kara Győr Fidesz Only on list 2010 [79]
János Kiss Miskolc Fidesz Retiring 2022 [79]
Károly Kontrát Balatonfüred Fidesz Only on list 2002 [79]
Lajos Kósa Debrecen Fidesz Only on list 1990 [79]
József Kovács Gyula Fidesz Retiring 2010 [79]
Zoltán Kovács Pápa Fidesz Resignation[ت] 1998 [79]
Ágnes Kunhalmi Budapest XVIII MSZP Withdrew[ث] 2014 [82]
János Lázár Hódmezővásárhely Fidesz Only on list 2002 [79]
Tamás Mellár Pécs Dialogue Retiring 2018 [83]
Lajos Oláh Budapest VI DK Only on list 2006 [84]
Anna Orosz Budapest XI Momentum Resignation[ج] 2022 [85]
Károly Pánczél Dabas Fidesz Retiring 1998 [79]
László Pósán Debrecen Fidesz Only on list 1998 [79]
Gábor Riz Ózd Fidesz Retiring 2010 [79]
Róbert Balázs Simon Győr Fidesz Retiring 2014 [79]
Sándor Szabó Szeged MSZP Withdrew[ث] 2014 [86]
Szabolcs Szabó Budapest XXI Momentum Withdrew[ث] 2014 [87]
Tímea Szabó Budapest III Dialogue Withdrew[ث] 2010 [88]
Tünde Szabó Nyíregyháza Fidesz Only on list 2018 [79]
László Szászfalvi Barcs KDNP Retiring 1998 [79]
Gyula Tamás Szeberényi Kecskemét Fidesz Retiring 2022 [79]
László Tasó Debrecen Fidesz Only on list 2004 [79]
István Tiba Hajdúböszörmény Fidesz Only on list 2008 [79]
Bence Tordai Budapest II Dialogue Withdrew[ث] 2018 [89]
Endre Tóth Budapest XXII Momentum Retiring 2022 [90]
Zoltán Vajda Budapest XVI MSZP Withdrew[ث] 2022 [91]
László Vécsey Gödöllő Fidesz Retiring 2010 [79]
László Vigh Zalaegerszeg Fidesz Retiring 2006 [79]

Endorsements

Viktor Orbán (Fidesz–KDNP)
Heads of state and government
Executive branch officials
Deputies
Party leaders
Political parties
Organisations
Activists and commentators
Members of churches and religious denominations
Notable individuals
Péter Magyar (TISZA)
Heads of state and government
EU officials
Executive branch officials
Deputies
Local officials
Party leaders
Political parties
Organisations
Activists and commentators
  • Márton Pál, LGBTQ and family right activist[225][226]
Economic and legal figures
Notable individuals
László Toroczkai (MH)
Executive branch officials
  • Ernő Raffay, former secretary of state[264]
Deputies
Party leaders
Political parties
Organisations
Activists and commentators
  • György Budaházy, political activist and co-founder of Hunnia Movement (on party list, also endorsed Fidesz–KDNP in constituencies)[110]
  • Tamás Gaudi-Nagy, executive director of the National Legal Protection Service[269]
  • László Tóth Gy., publicist and political scientist[264]
Klára Dobrev (DK)
Heads of state and government
Executive branch officials
Local officials
Party leaders
Political parties
Economic and legal figures
  • Jenő Kaltenbach, former ombudsman of minority rights[276][277]
Dávid Nagy (MKKP)[ح]
Local officials
Gyula Thürmer & Sándor Székely (Workers' Party–Solidarity)
Party leaders

Campaign

Posters and billboards nationwide have accused opposition and European politicians – such as Péter Magyar, Ursula von der Leyen, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and Manfred Weber – of dragging Hungary into war by sending weapons and troops, while Fidesz is depicted as the only option for peace.

During the election campaign, the Druzhba pipeline crisis happened. Hungary and Slovakia accused the Ukrainian authorities of deliberately delaying repairs for political reasons.[280] Zelenskyy said he would prefer not to repair the Druzhba oil pipeline, stating that his position is "shared with European leaders."[281][282]

In February 2026, Telex published an article detailing the Samsung SDI battery factory's occupational safety deficiencies in Göd, such as personnel breathing toxic, carcinogenic heavy metals, sometimes hundreds of times above legal limits. Further reports showed how the factory emitted tons of toxic NMP into the air, and a mixture of toxic substances coming out of its vents. Orbán claimed that the opposition was lying to mislead the people, and that pollution from the factory exceeding legal limits was never measured. Parliamentary State Secretary Csaba Latorcai stated that the government strictly penalised the factory when pollution occurred inside the plant, and no pollution was detected that would have had any impact outside the factory.[283] During a 15 March demonstration in memory of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, Magyar accused Orbán of "treason" and inviting Russian agents to interfere in the election to Fidesz–KDNP advantage.[284]

The CPAC Hungary meeting had been connected to the campaign.[285][286] On 21 March 2026, The Washington Post reported that Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) proposed staging a false flag assassination attempt on Orbán in an attempt to improve his odds to win the election, according to an SVR internal report that was obtained and authenticated by a European intelligence service.[287] On 26 March, Politico Europe reported that a Russian bot network had made social media posts promoting a narrative that Orbán would face an assassination attempt and presenting Ukraine and Zelenskyy as a threat to Orbán.[288] During the same period, The Insider released a recording of a phone call between foreign ministers Péter Szijjártó and Sergey Lavrov from August 2024, where Lavrov reminded him to ask for Gulbahor Ismailova, the sister of Alisher Usmanov, to be removed from the list of persons under European Union sanctions. In another call, he allegedly told Lavrov ″I am always at your disposal″.[289] Szijjártó also appeared to offer to send Lavrov a document about Ukraine's European Union accession.[290] Poland and Ireland referred to the apparent leaked audio as ″repulsive″ and ″sinister″.[291]

On 26 March, the documentary film The Price of the Vote was released in Hungary detailing a six-month investigation by independent filmmakers and reporters, which alleged that Fidesz was engaging in a campaign of mass voter intimidation in poor rural or small-town communities prior to the election that have been Fidesz strongholds since 2010. In the film, it was alleged that local Fidesz mayors in such communities offer cash, work, firewood, transport to polling stations, access to medicine, and synthetic drugs in exchange for "correct" votes. In the film, it was also stated that an opposition candidate had dropped his bid to office after a child protection office in a Fidesz-ran area allegedly threatened to take his children into care.[292]

Throughout the campaign, there were several attacks against Magyar and Tisza party, such as accusations of being a puppet of Brussels and Kyiv portrayed by comic book, publishing of parts of Magyar's sexual life, or candidates with same name as official Tisza Party candidates in the same electoral districts were all topics of the campaign.[293][294][295] On 6 April, Serbian police found approximately 4 kg (8.8 lb) of explosives at the TurkStream gas pipeline. This incident was quickly used by Orbán and Szijjártó in order to blame Ukraine for alleged attempts to cut Russian energy supplies to Hungary and Slovakia. Magyar quickly replied that this was a false flag operation, in order to delay the election due to Fidesz's insufficient polling results.[296] Serbian intelligence chief said that Ukraine was not involved in the explosives plot.[297] US Vice President JD Vance visited Hungary on 7 April, holding a press conference and attending a rally with Orbán.[298][299]

Series of interviews

The final weeks of the campaign were characterized by a series of interviews published in independent media, with various representatives of the state sphere seeking to expose the nepotism, corruption and dysfunctionality of the state run by Fidesz. On 25 March, the Direkt36 (hu) interview of Bence Szabó, a police officer in the unit investigating child pornography crimes, was published, which was recorded in February. The Constitution Protection Office (AH) pressured the National Bureau of Investigation (hu) (NNI) to search through two men's homes – 38-year-old "Buddha" and 19-year-old "Gundalf" –, after receiving an anonymous tip suspecting child pornography. They were IT specialists of the Tisza Party, and no trace of child pornography was found on their seized devices; instead, hundreds of screenshots were found detailing a political conspiracy operation aimed at bringing Tisza down. In the interview, Szabó detailed how the story looked from the perspective of police officers, including the unusual intelligence agency interventions and the recruitment operation against Tisza. He said that the AH took the data from them without the necessary paperwork, and he confirmed that Magyar's ex-girlfriend, Evelin Vogel, was also a member of the team working against Tisza. Szabó claimed that a secret service group was obviously behind the operation against Tisza. After the Direkt36 article's publication, the police searched Szabó's apartment, interrogated him, and initiated proceedings against him for abuse of office. At the same time as Szabó was charged, Direkt36 published his interview. Government propaganda portrayed the two IT specialists as Ukrainian spies, while oppositional figures declared Gundalf and Szabó heroes.[300][301]

According to the screenshots found, the former IT specialist of Tisza, Dániel "Gundalf" Hrabóczki, was contacted by V. E. (who later appears as "Henry"), who tried to persuade him into granting him access to Tisza's IT infrastructure in order to bring that down, but Gundalf declined and reported this to his colleague. They had a belt with a hidden camera, with the intention of busting the recruiter, but police seized it and charged them with unlawful use of military equipment. On 28 March, the government posted a video of the AH's hearing of Gundalf after the raid. The government and Orbán claimed that he admitted to having been recruited by Ukrainians, despite the fact that he made no such statement. On the 30th, Gundalf gave an interview to 444, saying that he intentionally misled the agents during the AH's hearing. He justified this by claiming he received messages from an unknown "Theo", who said the AH was interfering with the proceedings against them and the AH itself organised the whole case, aligning with what Szabó said.[301]

On 2 April, an interview on Telex was published with Hungarian Army Captain Szilveszter Pálinkás, who sharply criticized the Orbán government's defense policy. He said that he had attended Royal Military Academy Sandhurst with the prime minister's son, Gáspár Orbán, in 2020, where Gáspár Orbán entered without a selection process. Orbán allegedly told him that he had a "divine inspiration" to help African Christians. After their return home, Orbán was given "an office in the Carmelite"; as a first lieutenant, he began planning the Hungarian Army's mission to Chad. According to Orbán, he also expected 50% military losses in connection with the mission.[302][303][304] According to defence minister Kristóf Szalay-Bobrovniczky, the statement was made with political intent, and he wrote that "the Hungarian Defence Forces is an institution independent of party politics, and will remain so."[305] He later denied that there was a Chadian mission, even though Szalay-Bobrovniczky himself had made several statements about it years earlier and parliament had voted on it.[306] On the 7th, Pálinkás claimed in another interview that Szalay-Bobrovniczky made three offers to keep him quiet, which he all declined: a four-year military assignment in New York, appointing him as the commander of a newly created military organisation, and work in filmmaking.[307]

Conduct

Vote counting was described as free and fair by observers. Magyar called the election "a celebration of democracy" in his victory speech, and Orbán conceded the election.[308]

Fraud accusations before election

Some observers voiced concerns about potential vote rigging by the ruling Fidesz–KDNP government and election interference from other authoritarian countries that support it, with 79% of Hungarians fearing foreign interference in the election according to a Publicus Institute poll.[309] Orbán supporters were alleging fraud before the elections. Opposition leader Magyar's Tisza party had made available its own system for voters to report fraud. Fidesz followed suit by enabling a hotline and a dedicated email address. Fidesz MEP Csaba Dömötörsaid accused the opposition of fraud before saying: "They cry fraud but they are the ones committing it."[310] Magyar said that he would accept the results before the elections as long as there is no serious electoral fraud, urging voters to report any irregularities they see.[310]

Russia

According to The Washington Post, the Foreign Intelligence Service of Russia considered staging a fake failed assassination attempt against Orbán to boost his popular support.[287] In March 2026, investigative outlet VSquare reported that the Russian military intelligence service (GRU) had deployed a team of "political technologists" to the Russian embassy in Budapest to assist Orbán's re-election campaign. The report, citing European national security sources, claimed the operation was modelled on previous Russian interference campaigns in Moldova.[311] Following these reports, a group of Members of the European Parliament, including Tineke Strik, Michał Wawrykiewicz, and Sophie Wilmès, submitted a priority question to the European Commission. They requested a formal assessment of whether the Hungarian government's alleged facilitation of such interference violated the democratic principles enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union.[312]

On 8 April 2026, a consortium of investigative journalists published transcripts of calls between Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó and Russian officials. The leaks suggested that Budapest acted as a fifth column within the EU, with Szijjártó allegedly coordinating with Moscow to weaken sanctions and sharing information on Ukraine's accession process. These disclosures prompted the European Union to demand an urgent explanation from Budapest. The timing of the leak, occurring 72 hours before the national vote, became a central theme in the final days of the opposition's campaign, which used it to argue that the Orbán government had compromised national sovereignty.[313]

On 10 April 2026, two days before the election, research published by digital forensics experts and reported by Reuters identified a coordinated influence operation on Telegram. The research indicated that dozens of channels, previously used to spread Kremlin-aligned narratives regarding the war in Ukraine, simultaneously shifted focus to the Hungarian election. The operation promoted pro-Fidesz narratives while accusing the opposition of being "warmongers" who would drag Hungary into a conflict with Russia. Analysts noted that the timing and messaging of the posts were highly synchronized, suggesting a "bot farm" or a centralized command structure. These findings echoed earlier warnings from MEPs regarding the presence of Russian "political technologists" operating out of the Russian embassy in Budapest.[314]

Ukraine

The Hungarian government accused the Ukrainian government of interfering in the elections, and Magyar and his Tisza Party of attempting to involve Hungary in the Russo-Ukrainian war.[315][316] Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the president of Ukraine, stated that he hoped that a certain person (presumed to be Orbán) would not veto a European Union loan for Ukraine, otherwise he would "simply give the address of that person to our Armed Forces — our guys can call him and speak to him in their own language."[317] This comment was condemned by Magyar,[318] the European Commission,[319] and António Costa (the president of the European Council).[316]

Opinion polls

المقالة الرئيسية: Opinion polling for the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election

Total

The following graph presents the average of all polls.

By affiliation

The following two graphs present only the polls that are government-aligned or independent/opposition-aligned, respectively.

  • Government-aligned polls
    Government-aligned polls
  • Independent and opposition-aligned polls
    Independent and opposition-aligned polls

Results

Voting was held on 12 April 2026, and ran from 6:00 to 19:30 CEST. At 76.5%, it recorded a significant increase in turnout compared to 2022 and set the turnout record since free elections were held in 1990,[320][321] overtaking the 2002 Hungarian parliamentary election that ended Orbán's first term as Prime Minister.[322] It had the highest turnout since the 1985 Hungarian parliamentary election, the last election held under the Communist regime of the Hungarian People's Republic, and the results were described as "Hungary's most consequential" since the fall of Communism in 1989 (rendszerváltás).[322][323]

Preliminary returns indicated that Tisza had swept Fidesz from power in a landslide victory. [320] The results closely tracked independent polling showing Tisza with a clear lead, while pro-government pollsters projected a Fidesz win. On election night, with the result beyond doubt, Orbán conceded the election.[13][320][321] With 97.3% of precincts counted, Tisza secured 138 seats in the 199-seat parliament and 53.6% of the votes, enough for a two-thirds supermajority (100 seats are needed for a simple majority, while a supermajority of 133 seats is required to change the constitution, which was adopted by the Orbán government in 2011). Fidesz's seat count was more than halved, to 55 seats on 37.8% of the votes, while Our Homeland Movement was the only other party projected to have crossed the five percent threshold for parliamentary representation.[324]

Provisional results

الحزبParty-listConstituencyإجمالي
المقاعد		+/–
الأصوات%المقاعدالأصوات%المقاعد
Tisza3٬112٬06452.44453٬079٬64654.4192137New
Fidesz–KDNP2٬323٬71839.15422٬138٬00237.771456Decrease 79
Our Homeland Movement342٬4165.776330٬8675.85060
Democratic Coalition67٬9061.14062٬9581.1100Decrease 15
Hungarian Two Tailed Dog Party48٬0210.81036٬3250.64000
National Self-Government of Romas (hu)18٬8800.32000
National Self-Government of Germans17٬8450.3000Decrease 1
National Self-Government of Croats1٬2550.02000
National Self-Government of Slovaks8840.01000
National Self-Government of Romanians4950.01000
National Self-Government of Rusyns (hu)4120.01000
National Self-Government of Ukrainians3600.01000
National Self-Government of Slovenes (hu)1780.00000
National Self-Government of Greeks1530.00000
National Self-Government of Poles1380.00000
National Self-Government of Armenians1120.00000
National Self-Government of Bulgarians (hu)970.00000
Jobbik7٬5110.1300Decrease 7
Hungarian Workers' Party–Party of Solidarity3٬9900.07000
Party of Normal Life3150.01000
Centre Party2350.00000
National Unification Movement for the Countries of the Holy Crown2350.00000
Hungarian Justice and Life Party[خ]1820.00000
LMP – Hungary's Green Party1550.0000Decrease 3
Direction Party1040.00000
Independents00.00000
الإجمالي5٬934٬934100.00935٬660٬525100.001061990
الأصوات الصحيحة5٬934٬93499.395٬660٬525100.00
الأصوات الباطلة/الفارغة36٬4910.6100.00
إجمالي الأصوات5٬971٬425100.005٬660٬525100.00
الأصوات المسجلة/المشاركة7٬701٬96577.530–
المصدر: Nemzeti Választási Iroda

Constituency results

Constituency Previous member Votes Elected member
Name Party Tisza Fidesz–KDNP MH DK MKKP Turnout Name Party
Bács-Kiskun 1 László Salacz Fidesz Attila Csőszi Tisza
Bács-Kiskun 2 Gyula Tamás Szeberényi (hu) Fidesz János Molnár Tisza
Bács-Kiskun 3 Sándor Font Fidesz Zsolt Judák Tisza
Bács-Kiskun 4 Sándor Lezsák Fidesz Gyula Kovács Tisza
Bács-Kiskun 5 Gábor Bányai Fidesz Katalin Karsai-Juhácz Tisza
Bács-Kiskun 6 Róbert Zsigó Fidesz Csontos Bence Tisza
Baranya 1 Tamás Mellár Dialogue Diána Ruzsa Tisza
Baranya 2 Péter Hoppál Fidesz Áron Kovács Tisza
Baranya 3 János Hargitai KDNP Áron Rószahegyi Tisza
Baranya 4 Csaba Nagy Fidesz Balázs Capronczai Tisza
Békés 1 Tamás Herczeg Fidesz István Bodóczi Tisza
Békés 2 Béla Dankó Fidesz Dávid Gombár Tisza
Békés 3 József Kovács Fidesz Zsolt Ráki Tisza
Békés 4 Norbert Erdős Fidesz Mária Gurzó Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 1 Katalin Csöbör Fidesz Roland Juhász Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 2 János Kiss (hu) Fidesz András Czipa Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 3 Gábor Riz Fidesz Gábor Csuzda Fidesz
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 4 Zoltán Demeter Fidesz Csaba Hatala-Orosz Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 5 Richárd Hörcsik Fidesz László Lontay Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 6 Zsófia Koncz Fidesz Zoltán Bihari Tisza
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 7 András Tállai Fidesz Erzsébet Csézi Tisza
Budapest 1 Antal Csárdi LMP Zoltán Tanács Tisza
Budapest 2 Anna Orosz Momentum Kriszta Bódis Tisza
Budapest 3 Miklós Hajnal (hu) Momentum Péter Magyar Tisza
Budapest 4 Bence Tordai Dialogue Áron Koncz Tisza
Budapest 5 Lajos Oláh DK István Weigand Tisza
Budapest 6 András Jámbor (hu) Dialogue György László Velkey Tisza
Budapest 7 Dezső Hiszékeny MSZP Balázs Trentin Tisza
Budapest 8 Ákos Hadházy Independent Gabriella Virágh Tisza
Budapest 9 Gergely Arató DK Vilmos Kátai-Németh Tisza
Budapest 10 Tímea Szabó Dialogue Krisztián Kulcsár Tisza
Budapest 11 László Varju DK Nikoletta Boda Tisza
Budapest 12 Balázs Barkóczi (hu) DK Zsuzsanna Jakab Tisza
Budapest 13 Zoltán Vajda (hu) MSZP Anna Müller Tisza
Budapest 14 Mónika Dunai Fidesz Alexandra Szabó Tisza
Budapest 15 Ágnes Kunhalmi MSZP Áron Porcher Tisza
Budapest 16 István Hiller MSZP Zoltán Tarr Tisza
Budapest 17 Szabolcs Szabó Momentum Constituency abolished
Budapest 18 Endre Tóth (hu) Momentum Constituency abolished
Csongrád-Csanád 1 Sándor Szabó (hu) MSZP Péter Stumpf Tisza
Csongrád-Csanád 2 Béla Mihálffy (hu) KDNP Attila Gajda Tisza
Csongrád-Csanád 3 Sándor Farkas Fidesz Bence Bárkányi Tisza
Csongrád-Csanád 4 János Lázár Fidesz Gábor Ferenczi Tisza
Fejér 1 Tamás Vargha Fidesz Béla Csiszár Tisza
Fejér 2 Gábor Törő Fidesz Mihály Borics Tisza
Fejér 3 Zoltán Tessely Fidesz Viktória Bögi Tisza
Fejér 4 Lajos Mészáros (hu) Fidesz Ervin Nagy (hu) Tisza
Fejér 5 Gábor Varga Fidesz Gábor Varga Fidesz
Győr-Moson-Sopron 1 Róbert Balázs Simon (hu) Fidesz Judit Diószegi Tisza
Győr-Moson-Sopron 2 Ákos Kara Fidesz András Néher Tisza
Győr-Moson-Sopron 3 Alpár Gyopáros Fidesz Alpár Gyopáros Fidesz
Győr-Moson-Sopron 4 Attila Barcza Fidesz Anikó Hallerné Nagy Tisza
Győr-Moson-Sopron 5 István Nagy Fidesz Krisztina Porpáczy Tisza
Hajdú-Bihar 1 Lajos Kósa Fidesz Zsolt Tárkányi Tisza
Hajdú-Bihar 2 László Pósán Fidesz Enikő Tompa Tisza
Hajdú-Bihar 3 László Tasó Fidesz László Csák Tisza
Hajdú-Bihar 4 István Vitányi Fidesz István Vitányi Fidesz
Hajdú-Bihar 5 Sándor Bodó Fidesz Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi Tisza
Hajdú-Bihar 6 István Tiba Fidesz Éva Göröghné Bocskai Tisza
Heves 1 Gábor Pajtók (hu) Fidesz Péter Bódis Tisza
Heves 2 László Horváth Fidesz János Kiss Tisza
Heves 3 Zsolt Szabó Fidesz Áron Juhász Tisza
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 1 Mária Kállai Fidesz Andrea Rost Tisza
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 2 János Pócs Fidesz Ferenc Tibor Halmai Tisza
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 3 Sándor F. Kovács (hu) Fidesz Sándor F. Kovács (hu) Fidesz
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 4 Zsolt Herczeg (hu) Fidesz Csongor Farkas Tisza
Komárom-Esztergom 1 János Bencsik Fidesz Éva Sopov Ildikó Tisza
Komárom-Esztergom 2 Gábor Erős (hu) Fidesz Márk Radnai Tisza
Komárom-Esztergom 3 Judit Czunyi-Bertalan Fidesz Nikolett Árvay Tisza
Nógrád 1 Zsolt Becsó Fidesz Zoltán Péter Szafkó Tisza
Nógrád 2 Mihály Balla Fidesz Mihály Balla Fidesz
Pest 1 András Aradszki KDNP József Jelencsik Tisza
Pest 2 Tamás Menczer (hu) Fidesz Gábor Pósfai Tisza
Pest 3 Eszter Vitályos Fidesz Andrea Bujdosó Tisza
Pest 4 Bence Rétvári KDNP Balázs Tóthmajor Tisza
Pest 5 Bence Tuzson Fidesz Orsolya Miskolczi Tisza
Pest 6 László Vécsey Fidesz Márton Lászlo Endre Tisza
Pest 7 Lajos Szűcs Fidesz Ildikó Trompler Tisza
Pest 8 Zoltán Bóna Fidesz István Balajti Tisza
Pest 9 György Czerván Fidesz Zita Bilisics Tisza
Pest 10 Tibor Pogácsás Fidesz Andrea Kácsor Tisza
Pest 11 Károly Pánczél Fidesz Renáta Szimon Tisza
Pest 12 László Földi KDNP György Polgár Tisza
Pest 13 New constituency Máté Hende Tisza
Pest 14 New constituency Gergely Muhari Tisza
Somogy 1 Attila Gelencsér Fidesz Viktória Lőrincz Tisza
Somogy 2 László Szászfalvi KDNP József Benke Tisza
Somogy 3 József Attila Móring KDNP Csaba Attila Bakos Tisza
Somogy 4 Attila Gelencsér Fidesz Ernő Csatári Tisza
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 1 Tünde Szabó Fidesz László Gajdos Tisza
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 2 Győző Vinnai Fidesz Péter Lajos Szakács Tisza
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 3 Miklós Seszták KDNP Viktória Dicső Tisza
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 4 Attila Tilki Fidesz Attila Tilki Fidesz
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 5 Sándor Kovács (hu) Fidesz Sándor Kovács (hu) Fidesz
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 6 Miklós Simon Fidesz Miklós Simon Fidesz
Tolna 1 István Horváth Fidesz József Sárosi Tisza
Tolna 2 Krisztina Csibi (hu) Fidesz Krisztina Csibi (hu) Fidesz
Tolna 3 János Süli KDNP János Süli KDNP
Vas 1 Csaba Hende Fidesz Róbert Rápli Tisza
Vas 2 Péter Ágh Fidesz Péter Ágh Fidesz
Vas 3 Zsolt V. Németh Fidesz Zsolt V. Németh Fidesz
Veszprém 1 Péter Ovádi Fidesz Levente Gáspár Tisza
Veszprém 2 Károly Kontrát Fidesz Ágnes Forsthoffer Tisza
Veszprém 3 Tibor Navracsics KDNP Péter Balatincz Tisza
Veszprém 4 Vacant Szilvia Ujvári Tisza
Zala 1 László Vigh Fidesz Márta Nagy Tisza
Zala 2 Nagy Bálint (hu) Fidesz
Zala 3 Péter Cseresnyés Fidesz Csaba Lovkó Tisza
Results by county and capital city

Party list results by county and in the diaspora

Tisza swept every county in the list voting, as well as securing Budapest, where it recorded its best result at 63.2% of the vote.[325] Such a performance reflected Budapest's status as the liberal capital,[326] and it mirrored the city's vote for the United for Hungary bloc in 2022.[327] The party also performed strongly in the southern Csongrád-Csanád County, where Fidesz lost the most ground compared to 2022,[328] as well in the Pest County around the national capital.[329]

County[330][329] Tisza Fidesz–KDNP MH DK MKKP
Bács-Kiskun 50.84% 39.87% 6.97% 1.01% 0.71%
Baranya 54.04% 35.47% 5.30% 1.36% 0.70%
Békés 53.13% 37.85% 6.53% 1.02% 0.63%
Borsod–Abaúj–Zemplén 52.87% 38.42% 5.96% 1.02% 0.53%
Budapest 63.20% 28.79% 4.66% 1.74% 1.43%
Csongrád-Csanád 58.87% 32.04% 6.86% 1.21% 0.88%
Fejér 52.77% 38.22% 6.33% 1.21% 0.95%
Győr–Moson–Sopron 51.75% 39.95% 6.16% 0.97% 0.74%
Hajdú–Bihar 51.75% 39.75% 5.94% 0.92% 0.65%
Heves 51.70% 39.03% 6.92% 1.07% 0.56%
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 51.38% 39.67% 6.77% 1.01% 0.60%
Komárom-Esztergom 55.29% 35.97% 5.98% 1.27% 0.78%
Nógrád 46.06% 43.40% 7.36% 1.07% 0.48%
Pest 56.08% 34.95% 6.37% 1.04% 0.91%
Somogy 49.85% 41.89% 5.77% 1.26% 0.59%
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 48.21% 44.79% 4.87% 0.81% 0.43%
Tolna 46.88% 43.53% 6.46% 0.98% 0.54%
Vas 47.69% 44.21% 5.94% 1.12% 0.69%
Veszprém 52.89% 37.97% 6.27% 1.25% 0.81%
Zala 50.14% 41.43% 6.23% 1.18% 0.69%
Total in Hungary 53.07% 38.43% 5.83% 1.16% 0.82%
Diaspora
Total

Turnout

Turnout by county and capital city
Turnout[331]
County 7:00 9:00 11:00 13:00 15:00 17:00 18:30 Overall
Bács-Kiskun 3.66% 18.53% 39.17% 53.09% 64.15% 72.29% 75.71% 77.19%
Baranya 3.43% 16.72% 37.33% 51.93% 63.67% 72.15% 75.67% 77.52%
Békés 3.70% 18.61% 40.69% 54.66% 65.17% 72.07% 75.07% 76.64%
Borsod–Abaúj–Zemplén 2.75% 14.13% 33.69% 44.81% 60.08% 68.13% 71.92% 73.74%
Budapest 3.45% 15.96% 36.98% 56.77% 69.23% 77.18% 80.96% 83.10%
Csongrád-Csanád 3.40% 17.67% 39.50% 55.23% 66.31% 74.19% 77.73% 79.55%
Fejér 3.45% 17.97% 39.95% 55.98% 67.59% 75.82% 79.32% 81.11%
Győr–Moson–Sopron 3.50% 17.29% 39.48% 55.21% 68.38% 78.19% 81.95% 83.45%
Hajdú–Bihar 3.87% 17.73% 37.49% 52.26% 63.33% 71.22% 74.81% 76.61%
Heves 3.39% 17.11% 38.10% 54.02% 65.15% 73.08% 76.66% 78.37%
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok 3.66% 18.35% 39.22% 53.09% 63.30% 70.77% 73.99% 75.76%
Komárom-Esztergom 3.44% 17.14% 38.81% 54.48% 66.09% 74.36% 77.91% 79.54%
Nógrád 2.97% 15.09% 35.54% 50.49% 62.21% 70.34% 74.16% 76.10%
Pest 3.97% 18.01% 40.10% 58.01% 69.67% 77.58% 80.96% 82.55%
Somogy 3.36% 16.86% 37.73% 52.00% 64.17% 72.48% 75.87% 77.37%
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg 2.84% 14.52% 33.10% 47.62% 60.33% 68.91% 72.62% 74.36%
Tolna 3.64% 18.61% 39.50% 52.54% 63.80% 72.28% 75.86% 77.61%
Vas 3.10% 15.92% 36.97% 52.83% 67.17% 77.66% 81.56% 83.49%
Veszprém 3.42% 17.34% 39.45% 54.96% 67.63% 76.43% 79.86% 81.32%
Zala 2.98% 15.77% 37.41% 52.84% 66.43% 75.59% 79.22% 80.77%
Hungary 3.46% 16.89% 37.98% 54.14% 66.01% 74.23% 77.80% 79.55%

Aftermath and reactions

Analysis

Domestically, Politico attributed Magyar's victory to six factors: fallout from the Katalin Novák presidential pardon scandal (Hungarian: kegyelmi ügy), which occurred in February 2024 and had severely eroded Fidesz's image as a protector of traditional family values; Orbán's inability to keep pace with Magyar's more energetic campaign strategy; voters' displeasure with the Orbán government's closeness to Russia under Vladimir Putin in the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and the lingering collective memory of the Soviet occupation of Hungary; inflation and a stagnant economy; Magyar's successful use of social media; and the large youth turnout for Tisza.[332]

Other outlets, including The New York Times,[333] reported widespread popular dissatisfaction with Fidesz's governance strategies of clientelism and state capture, which had caused endemic corruption and democratic backsliding in Hungary.[334][335][336] Analysts also noted that Magyar had leaned into some "core continuities" with Fidesz—including the use of nationalist and populist rhetoric, skepticism about Ukraine's accession to the European Union, and opposition to mass migration—and that a Tisza government was likely to continue these policies.[337]

Internationally, Magyar's win was generally seen as indicating a desire on the part of the Hungarian electorate to move the country closer to the European Union (EU) and away from Russia and the United States, as Orbán had closely associated himself with Putin and US President Donald Trump.[5][338] The results were described as potentially positive for the EU in particular, as Orbán had long been a Eurosceptic and used Hungary's veto power to stymie the EU's collective decision-making abilities.[339][340]

Domestic

After many media outlets began to project Magyar as the winner, Orbán conceded and congratulated Magyar in a phone call.[341][342] The announced results were described as free and fair, with Magyar stating that Hungary had been freed from Orbán's regime,[343] announcing: "Today was a celebration of democracy."[308] In his victory speech, Magyar said that the Hungarian people had decided to change the regime and called on all those who have been part of it to resign.[323] He called on Hungarian president Tamas Sulyok to grant him the mandate to form a government and resign,[323] and also called on "all the puppets" who "have served the regime" of Orbán "for the past 16 years" to resign.[323] He cited among them the Prosecutor General, the presidents of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court, the director of the Hungarian Media Authority, and other key government officials who had been appointed by Orbán.[323] He warned that those who "plundered the state and sowed hatred among Hungarians" would be held accountable for their actions.[323]

Pro-European celebrations broke out, with Tisza supporters hoping for the reintegration into the European political mainstream.[321] Orbán conceded the election by acknowledging that "the responsibility and opportunity to govern were not given to us."[13] Suggesting to observers that he intends to remain leader of Fidesz and serve as the leader of the opposition in the incoming parliament, Orbán added: "We are not giving up. Never, never, never."[13] László Toroczkai, whose far-right Our Homeland Movement managed to cross the 5% election threshold, reacted negatively to the election results, promising to appeal the vote count to the European Court of Human Rights.[344] He further blamed Magyar's election on "multinational corporations", singling out Facebook, while noting that Our Homeland Movement's level of support had remained unchanged from the previous election.[345] Meanwhile, following her party's failure to clear the threshold to enter parliament, Klára Dobrev resigned as leader of the Democratic Coalition and congratulated Magyar.[346]

International

European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen, who had long clashed with Orbán, reacted positively to the election results, saying that "Europe's heart is beating stronger in Hungary tonight".[322] The Kremlin's spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that "Hungary has made a decision. We respect it. We expect to continue very pragmatic relations with the new Hungarian leadership."[323] Peskov later told Life.ru that Russia would not congratulate Magyar due to Russia's designation of Hungary as an "unfriendly country".[323] Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun said China congratulated Magyar on his victory.[347]

Incumbent heads of state and government who congratulated Magyar included Australian prime minister Anthony Albanese,[348][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Austrian chancellor Christian Stocker,[349][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] British prime minister Keir Starmer,[323] Canadian prime minister Mark Carney, Croatian president Zoran Milanović,[323] Croatian prime minister Andrej Plenković,[350] Cypriot president Nikos Christodoulides,[351][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Czech president Petr Pavel,[352] Czech prime minister Andrej Babiš,[322][353] Danish prime minister Mette Frederiksen,[354][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Estonian president Alar Karis,[355][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Estonian prime minister Kristen Michal,[356][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] French president Emmanuel Macron,[322] German chancellor Friedrich Merz,[322] Greek prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis,[357] Indian prime minister Narendra Modi,[358][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Taoiseach Micheál Martin of Ireland,[359] Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni,[323] Kosovan Prime Minister Albin Kurti,[360][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Latvian prime minister Evika Siliņa,[361][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Lithuanian president Gitanas Nausėda,[362][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Lithuanian prime minister Inga Ruginienė,[363][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Luxembourgish prime minister Luc Frieden,[364][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Maltese prime minister Robert Abela,[365][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Moldovan president Maia Sandu,[366] Dutch prime minister Rob Jetten,[367][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Norwegian prime minister Jonas Gahr Støre,[368][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Polish prime minister Donald Tusk,[322] Portuguese prime minister Luís Montenegro,[369][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Romanian president Nicușor Dan,[370] Romanian prime minister Ilie Bolojan,[371] Slovenian prime minister Robert Golob,[323] Spanish prime minister Pedro Sánchez,[323] Swedish prime minister Ulf Kristersson,[372] and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy.[321][322][323]

Some non-incumbent political leaders congratulated Magyar, including former Czech prime minister Petr Fiala,[352] former Kosovan president Vjosa Osmani,[373][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] and Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who is president of the Coordination Council and head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus.[374][مطلوب مصدر أفضل] Former US president Barack Obama also reacted positively to the news, describing Magyar's win as a "victory for democracy, not just in Europe but around the world".[323][375] Also in the US, some Democratic Party politicians, such as Chuck Schumer and Hakeem Jeffries, saw the election as a warning for Trump, while some Republican Party politicians, such as Roger Wicker, interpreted the result as a rejection of Orbán's closeness to Putin.[323]

Orbán allies

Officially, the Russian government claimed to have been "unfazed" by Orbán's defeat. Putin ally Kirill Dmitriev claimed that the results would "accelerate the collapse of the EU".[376] According to Russian news agency Interfax, Peskov said that the Kremlin would not congratulate Magyar, while also seemingly distancing themselves from Orbán, instead broadly referring to Hungary as an "unfriendly country".[323] Peskov also stated that they were open to "pragmatic" discussions with Magyar.[377] Elon Musk posted on his social media website X that investor George Soros was responsible for Orbán's defeat and that Soros Fund Management had "taken over Hungary".[323][378] Trump himself notably abstained from mentioning Orbán's defeat.[379]

Slovak prime minister Robert Fico, a key ally of Orbán, acknowledged "the choice of the Hungarian people" while calling for a revival of the Visegrád Group.[323] Babiš, while also congratulating Magyar, praised Orbán as having been "a strong opponent" and called the relationship between Hungary and the Czech Republic "close".[352][323] Immediately following the election, Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić congratulated Magyar;[322][353] by the next day, he expressed disagreement with Magyar's suggestion that Serbia and Hungary were in Russia's sphere of influence and credited Orbán for having eased Hungarian-Serbian tensions during his premiership.[380] Marine Le Pen, the former leader of France's National Rally, expressed disappointment in the election results, arguing that Orbán had "courageously and resolutely defended Hungary's freedom and sovereignty" for sixteen years.[323]

Formation of government

Securing a parliamentary supermajority, Magyar declared the end of Orbán's political system as he gained the ability to amend the constitution and dismantle Fidesz control over the judiciary, state-owned enterprises, and the media. Magyar announced plans for sweeping political reforms and called for the resignation of several senior officials, including president Tamás Sulyok. Positioning Hungary toward closer alignment with Western institutions, Magyar pledged to restore the country as a strong ally within the EU and NATO.[321]

Notes

  1. ^ Previously leader of Fidesz from 1993 to 2000.
  2. ^ Csaba Hende served as MP for Szombathely until May 2025, when he was elected a member of the Constitutional Court of Hungary, and thus he resigned from his parliamentary seat. His seat was replaced from the party list because the resignation occurred less than a year before the election.
  3. ^ Zoltán Kovács served as MP for Pápa until May 2025, when he was elected a member of the Supervisory Board of the Hungarian National Bank, and thus he resigned from his parliamentary seat. His seat was replaced from the party list because the resignation occurred less than a year before the election.
  4. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح In favour of Tisza Party
  5. ^ Anna Orosz served as MP for 11th District of Budapest until May 2025, when she left politics for personal reasons, and thus she resigned from his parliamentary seat. Her seat was replaced from the party list because the resignation occurred less than a year before the election.
  6. ^ As lead candidate
  7. ^ Despite its name, the party is not similar to the defunct Hungarian Justice and Life Party.

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  116. ^ Venckūnas, Vilmantas; Perminas, Paulius (12 January 2026). "Remigijus Žemaitaitis pasisakė po susitikimo su vengrų ministru: išlaikykime Europą europiečiams". TV3 (in الليتوانية). When it comes to migration, Hungary has set a very good example of how to build a barrier. A good neighbor is much better than an enemy, and Hungary is such a neighbor. ... The fact that you want to cooperate with us is part of mutual trust ... . I believe that the Hungarian people will make the right decision in the elections, which means ensuring cultural identity and economic growth. Let's keep Europe for Europeans.
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  118. ^ "Dodik wishes Orban good luck and success in elections". Srpskanational.com. 11 April 2026. Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  119. ^ "Moldova Putyin-párti volt elnöke is támogatja Orbán Viktort és a patriótákat". Transtelex.ro (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 23 March 2026.
  120. ^ "Гајић: Победа Орбана је од виталног значаја за Србију". People's Party (in الصربية). 23 March 2026.
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  127. ^ "A VMDP Orbán Viktort támogatja a választáson". Radio Television of Vojvodina (in الهنغارية). 13 March 2026. Retrieved 16 March 2026.
  128. ^ أ ب ت ث ج "KÖZÖS NYILATKOZAT" (in الهنغارية). 19 February 2026. Retrieved 5 March 2026.
  129. ^ "Az egyetemes magyarság sorsáról szól". Magyar Szó (in الهنغارية). 11 March 2026. Retrieved 17 March 2026.
  130. ^ "A CPAC nemzetközi csúcstalálkozója hivatalos nyilatkozatban állt ki Orbán Viktor mellett". MagyarNemzet.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 26 March 2026.
  131. ^ "Dave Rubin szerint erről fog szólni az áprilisi választás Magyarországon". Facebook (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 27 March 2026.
  132. ^ "Holland sztárkommentátor a budapesti CPAC-en: Nem tudjátok, milyen jó dolgotok van Orbán Viktorral!". Mandiner.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 26 March 2026.
  133. ^ "To our friends in Hungary, we hope you will vote for independent thinking and for someone who stands for Hungary First. We hope you will vote for my father's friend and ally. One leader in Europe has a direct line to the White House, I hope you will support Viktor Orban!". X.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  134. ^ "Mit keres Kiss-Rigó László püspök a 'nemzeti algoritmusban'". Szemlélek (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 23 August 2025.
  135. ^ "Újabb püspök kampányol a Fidesznek". MagyarHang.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 17 October 2025.
  136. ^ "'Elküldöm a parancsnokának' – írta a szekszárdi plébános a cserkésznek, aki kifogásolta, hogy a pap nyíltan a fideszes jelölt mellett kampányol". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  137. ^ "A Hit Gyülekezete is elkezdett kampányolni, de nagyon fifikásan ám!". 444.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 5 March 2026.
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  139. ^ "Zalatnay Cini: 'Maradok a biztos választás mellett'". Borsonline.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 1 February 2026.
  140. ^ "Bölöni Lászlóval biztat a levélszavazásra az RMDSZ". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 19 March 2026.
  141. ^ "Szabó Zsófi: Az a cél vezérel, hogy Orbán Viktor legyen a miniszterelnök". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 November 2025.
  142. ^ "Sziasztok! Itt vagyok a Szentháromság téren és ez az országjárás utolsó találkozópontja ❤️🇭🇺 Holnap nemcsak kormányt, de sorsot is választunk! Most meg kell mutatnunk, hogy mi nemcsak a csendes többség, de a győztes többség is vagyunk! Álljunk ki Magyarország békéje és biztonsága mellett! Álljunk ki Orbán Viktor mellett! Szavazzunk a Fideszre!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  143. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش "Joci, Feró, Gabi és a többiek: sokkal többet ad a Fidesz az általa behálózott influenszereknek a pénznél, de cserébe rengeteget is kér". HVG.hu. Retrieved 25 March 2026.
  144. ^ "Nagy Feró települése is megtolja Rétvári Bence kampányát". Kontroll.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 4 April 2026.
  145. ^ "Pataky Attila arról, ha a Tisza nyeri a választást: Akkor a Magyarország szóból a magyart nyugodtan kihúzhatod". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 5 April 2026.
  146. ^ أ ب "Pataky Attila békét akar és kiszámítható jövőt". ripost.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  147. ^ "Pápai Joci Orbán Viktorról: Ő a világ legjobb politikusa". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 14 March 2026.
  148. ^ أ ب "Tóth Gabi reagált Tóth Vera kijelentéseire: 'Nem kell egyetértenünk mindenben'". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  149. ^ "Tóth Gabi: 'Ezért is fogok szavazni Orbán Viktorra'". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  150. ^ "Dopeman: Figyelj ide, te tiszás f*sz!". Index.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 14 March 2026.
  151. ^ "Most minden rajtad múlik! Ez nem játék!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  152. ^ "Kis Grófo üzent: Még bőven van időd ma elmenni szavazni, Orbán Viktor a biztos választás!". Mandiner.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  153. ^ "Rubint Réka színt vallott: elmondt, kire húzza az ikszet a választáson". Mandiner.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  154. ^ "Muri Enikő: Nem tudok komolyan venni egy olyan embert, akit úgy hívnak, hogy Magyar Péter". Index.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 18 January 2026.
  155. ^ "Nemcsák Károly videóüzenetben állt ki Orbán Viktor és a Fidesz mellett". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  156. ^ "Makray Katalim: Természetes, hogy a Nemzeti Kormányra fogok szavazni". MagyarNemzet.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  157. ^ "Miklósa Erika: Ne hagyjuk, hogy a gyűlölet hangosabb legyen, mint az emberség". MagyarNemzet.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  158. ^ أ ب "Kucsera Gábor: Olyan jövőt szeretnénk, ahol a család érték, ezért szavazunk a Fideszre". Ripost.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  159. ^ "Tápai Szabina döntött: Orbán Viktor és a Fidesz–KDNP-re szavazok". borsonline.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  160. ^ "🏆GÖRBICZ ANITA, Világbajnoki ezüstérmes kézilabdázó: 'Dáviddal hosszú évek óta ismerjük egymást, mindig is határozott, a győriekért dolgozni akaró lokálpatrióta volt, adjunk neki bizalmat, hogy Győr és térségének fejlődése továbbra is biztos kezekben maradjon.'". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  161. ^ "Olimpiai bajnok úszó üzent: ezért kell Orbán Viktorra szavazni!". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  162. ^ "Kulcsár Edina a Fideszre szavaz: 'Az ő kormányzásuk alatt érzem biztonságban magamat, de legfőképpen a családomat'". borsonline.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  163. ^ "Bárdosi Sándor: Orbán Viktor a szakmája mestere". MagyarNemzet.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  164. ^ "Young G Béci: 'Ha Magyar Péter nyerne áprilisban, ukrán párti kormányt alakítana'". borsonline.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  165. ^ "Reviczky Gábor elmondta, mit kíván Orbán Viktornak". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  166. ^ "'Magyar Péterre bíznád az életed, miután lehallgatta a feleségét?' – kemény kérdést tett fel Rába Tímea". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  167. ^ "Ti is tegyetek így, senki ne maradjon holnap otthon! 💪 #bodedani #szavazas #foci #biztosvalasztas". TikTok.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  168. ^ "A mai szavazás nem csupán egy x a papíron, hanem egy döntés amellett, hogy a gyermekeink egy nyugodt, konfliktusmentes országban nőhessenek fel. Ma mindannyian döntünk a jövőnkről, és én hiszek abban, hogy a valódi fejlődés egyetlen szilárd alapja a béke! 🇭🇺🕊️". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  169. ^ "Spigiboy: Ezért támogatom Orbán Viktort a választáson!". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  170. ^ "Magyar Péter szövetségese nyíltan fenyeget, elszabadult az erőszak". Origo.hu (in الهنغارية). 1 November 2025. Retrieved 16 January 2026.
  171. ^ "Kaczyńskiemu nie wyszedł Budapeszt w Warszawie, ale bardzo możliwe, że od niedzieli będziemy mieli Warszawę w Budapeszcie". X.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  172. ^ "Na rozdíl od premiéra věřím, že se zítra Viktor Orbán dočká porážky. Bude to pak znamenat začátek konce populismu ve střední Evropě – a Andrej Babiš ztratí spojence, který je zároveň přítelem Vladimira Putina". Facebook.com (in التشيكية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  173. ^ "Zvykol som hovorievať, že sme na tom stále lepšie ako Maďarsko. Keď Orbán ovládol skoro celý štát, u susedov zavládla rezignácia. Rád dnes sledujem, koľko energie na zmenu v skutočnosti v ľuďoch bolo. Plné námestia a predvolebné zhromaždenia ukazujú, ako Maďarkám a Maďarom záleží na ich krajine. Počas maďarskej kampane sme sa dozvedeli dve dôležité veci aj o Slovensku. Po prvé sme dostali dôkaz o tom, že Orbán a ani Fico nie sú suverénni politici, ako o sebe vyhlasujú. Vďaka nahrávkam Lavrova a Szijjartóa sa tušenie o Putinovom trójskom koňovi v Únii zmenilo na istotu. Po druhé sme získali možnosť nahliadnuť do budúcnosti. O rok nás na Slovensku čaká štvavá kampaň ako cez kopirák. Nevieme, aká by bola vláda Pétera Magyara, ale latka leží na zemi. Želám si, aby zajtra o budúcnosti Maďarska rozhodla vôľa ľudí o tom, ako chcú žiť. Nie manipulácie, propaganda či strach". Facebook.com (in السلوفاكية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  174. ^ "Ex-Außenminister Balazs: Orbán ist Putins wertvollster Agent im Westen vor Ungarn-Wahl". osna-live.de (in الألمانية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  175. ^ "Premierul Ungariei, Viktor Orban, se ceartă cu Nicu Ștefănunță și îi atrage atenția despre situația României. Ce transmite liderul de la Budapesta". Mediafax (in الرومانية). 12 March 2026.
  176. ^ "Jeszenszky Géza is kiment Magyar Péter somlóvásárhelyi beszédére". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 24 August 2025.
  177. ^ "Orrát befogva, de Magyar Péterre szavaz 2026-ban Gyurcsány volt honvédelmi minisztere". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 14 March 2025.
  178. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص "Egykori szocialista nagyágyúk nyílt levélben szólítják visszalépésre az állva maradt baloldali jelölteket". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 6 April 2026.
  179. ^ "Kedves Barátaim! ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  180. ^ "Borókai Gábor: Magyar Péterben látom azt az Orbán Viktort, akivel együtt dolgoztam". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  181. ^ "Orbán Viktor: Szegény német ember azért került ilyen kellemetlen helyzetbe, mert most kikotyogta a Tisza terveit". Index.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 16 March 2026.
  182. ^ "Terras: peame tegema kõik, et Ukraina edasi sõdiks". ERR (in الإستونية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  183. ^ "Hiller István nem lép vissza a választástól". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  184. ^ "Ujhelyi István: Szeretném, ha a Tisza kétharmadot szerezne". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 5 April 2026.
  185. ^ "'Magyarországnak meg kell ragadnia az alkalmat Orbán Viktor leváltására' – írta a Fidesz egykori elnökségi tagja az Economistban". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
  186. ^ "Radikális jobboldali, mélyen antikommunista, evangélikus keresztyén családból származom, magam is mindig hasonlóan gondolkodtam. ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  187. ^ "Karácsony Gergely szerint Magyar Péter alkalmas miniszterelnöknek, drukkol az ellenzéknek". Népszava.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 3 December 2025.
  188. ^ "'Remélem, a Tisza nyer' – Kérdezz-felelek #Budapest". YouTube.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  189. ^ "Senkinek sem szeretném megmondani kire szavazzon, csak annyit: Áradjon🇭🇺 Nem a Duna". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  190. ^ "Közeledik április 12-e, amikor a jövőnkről döntünk! Mi józsefvárosiak pontosan tudjuk, mire van szükség: megfogalmaztuk a 12 pontot, a 12 feladatot, amelyekben előre kell lépnünk ahhoz, hogy jobb legyen az életünk a kerületben. Ez mindannyiunk közös érdeke. Ehhez azonban olyan kormányra van szükség, amely partnerként kezeli az önkormányzatot, együttműködik velünk, és segíti a helyi közösségeket. Az elmúlt hat év tapasztalata alapján világos: új kormányra van szükség. Arra kérem Önöket, menjenek el szavazni, és szavazzanak a változásra, a legnagyobb ellenzéki párt listájára és egyéni jelöltjére. Ez Józsefváros érdeke". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  191. ^ أ ب "Márki-Zay Péter pártja nem indul a 2026-os választáson". HVG (in الهنغارية). HVG Kiadó Zrt. 1 June 2025. Retrieved 16 January 2026.
  192. ^ "Összenő, ami összetartozik: volt MSZP-s miniszterelnök-jelölt állt be a Tisza mögé". Magyar Nemzet (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 22 January 2026.
  193. ^ "A tiszás jelöltre szavaz a KDNP-s polgármester Bátonyterenyén a Fidesszel szemben". 444.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 27 March 2026.
  194. ^ "☝️ Még hogy a választás a demokrácia ünnepe!? ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  195. ^ "Kedves Váciak! ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  196. ^ "A holnapi napon a szorgos méhek mintájára fogjunk össze és szavazzunk a VÁLTOZÁSRA! Az én választásom a TISZA PÁRT és HALMAI FERENC! SZÉP HÉTVÉGÉT KÍVÁNOK MINDENKINEK!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  197. ^ "Egy fideszes polgármester már leszavazott a Tiszára". Kontroll.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  198. ^ "Hogy mire tettem ❌-et? A gyermekeink jövőjére. Országunk gazdasági fejlődésére. Az európai gondolkodásra. Magyarországra. A rendszerváltásra szavaztam". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  199. ^ "+ 4 x 2 szavazat TISZA!🇭🇺 Mi hárman itt Kübekházán nem sokkal ezelőtt szavaztunk a Tiszára, nagyfiunk Budapesten! Hadd áradjon, és söpörje el ezt a velejéig korrupt rendszert!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). 12 April 2026. Retrieved 12 April 2026.
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  202. ^ أ ب "Isamaa leader: Orban's defeat would diminish Russia's influence in Europe". ERR. Retrieved 8 April 2026.
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  204. ^ "1. Vasárnap reményeim szerint kormányváltás jön! ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  205. ^ "Kire szavaztam és miért? | Választás 2026 | Vona Gábor vlogja". YouTube.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  206. ^ "Mit ígért nekem Magyar Péter? ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  207. ^ "Az MSZP frakcióvezetője arra biztatja a választókat, hogy szavazzanak a Tiszára". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  208. ^ "Hát ez a nap is eljött. A mai napon megkezdődik a rendszerváltás!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  209. ^ "Lendvai Ildikó: A Tiszára szavazok, Magyar Péter az esélyesebb". dullszabolcs.substack.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 14 December 2025.
  210. ^ "A Tisza programja zöld szempontból biztatóbb, mint amire számítani lehetett, de vannak aggasztó hiányok". merce.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2026.
  211. ^ "Budapest 1-es választókörzetének 1-es szavazókörében két X a változásért, a társadalmi békéért, egy európai Magyarországért, ahonnan nem kell elmenni és ahova érdemes hazajönni. 🇭🇺Áradjon! 🇭🇺". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  212. ^ "Eljött az idő!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  213. ^ "Szavazz a változásra! ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
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  216. ^ "Közös videóban magyarázza Barabás Richárd és Cseh Katalin, miért nem kidobott szavazat a Humanisták támogatása". index.hu (in الهنغارية). 13 November 2025. Retrieved 6 April 2026.
  217. ^ "A Kutyapárt arra kéri a szavazóit, egyéniben ne az ő jelöltjeikre voksoljanak". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). 27 January 2026. Retrieved 27 January 2026.
  218. ^ "Három helyen visszalépteti jelöltjét az MKKP a Fidesz leváltása érdekében". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 2 April 2026.
  219. ^ "A Kutyapárt közölte, nem lépnek vissza, de a választóik egyéniben szavazzanak a Tiszára". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). 9 April 2026. Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  220. ^ "Visszalép a DK-s jelölt Nagy Ervin körzetében". Telex.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 1 April 2026.
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  224. ^ "Eljött a nap. ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  225. ^ "Tavaszi szünetben elmenekültünk Andalúziába pár napra, hogy az utolsó hetet a kampányból valahol máshol tölthessük. ..." Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  226. ^ "Mi már szavaztunk a rendszerváltásért! Szavazzatok Ti is!❤️🤍💚 'Pirkadat előtt a legnagyobb a sötètség!'". Instagram.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
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  231. ^ "Balogh Levente: Arról szavazunk, hogy az Unióban vagy Európában kitaszítottként éljünk". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  232. ^ "Mark Ruffalónak tetszett a tömeg Magyar Péter országjárásának pécsi állomásán". 444.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 March 2026.
  233. ^ "Kiábrándult fideszesek: Caramel 2018-ban még a Fidesznek kampányolt, most már Tisza-pultnál pózolt". 444.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 7 April 2025.
  234. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر "Bródy János, Pataki Ági, Vadon Jani és Caramel is posztolt a nemzeti menetről". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 16 March 2026.
  235. ^ "Caramel Nagy Ervin oldalán állt ki a Tisza Párt mellett". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 8 April 2026.
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  237. ^ "Molnár Áron: Én a Tisza Pártra fogok szavazni". Kontroll.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 13 March 2026.
  238. ^ "Jobbulást, Dorka! Holnap számít rád a hazád. És rátok is. Találkozunk az urnáknál! ❤️🤍💚". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  239. ^ "Legyen tánc!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  240. ^ "Borbély Alexandra élete első és legfontosabb magyar országgyűlési választásán, első szavazóként vesz részt. Mert felvidéki magyarként eddig ehhez nem volt joga. De most már van. Ő már tudja, hogyan szavaz április 12-én. Te is menj el, és szavazz a Tiszára! Orbán Viktor, Lázár János és Szijjártó Péter megalázta és elárulta a külhoni magyarságot. Simeonnal kolettálnak, Ficoval haverkodnak, Putyinnak jelentenek, Vuciccal szerveznek megjátszott terrorakciókat. Menniük kell! Még 3 nap". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
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  242. ^ "Lengyel Tamás: A közéletből el kéne tűnnie az olyan uszító embereknek, mint Kövér László, Kocsis Máté, Orbán Viktor vagy Németh Balázs". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 4 April 2026.
  243. ^ "✅A kisfiam is változást akar, nem csak én. Úgyhogy szavaztunk a rendszerváltásra. 🇭🇺Vagyis a TISZÁRA! 🇭🇺Hajrá Magyarország, váltsuk le ezt a KORRUPT, KIREKESZTŐ, TOLVAJ, HAZUG rendszert!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
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  246. ^ "Árpa Attila egy jacuzziból magyarázta el, mit csináljon, akinek pénzt ajánlanak a szavazatáért". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  247. ^ "Szavazás 2026🇭🇺". TikTok (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 9 April 2026.
  248. ^ "Koncz Zsuzsa: 'Alig várom, hogy vasárnap honfitársaimmal és barátaimmal együtt valóra váltsuk Ady Endre jóslatát'". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  249. ^ أ ب "Péterfy Bori és Gálvölgyi János is kiállt a Tisza jelöltje mellett". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  250. ^ "Herendi Gábor is rendszerváltásra buzdít". Népszava.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
  251. ^ "Bödőcs Tibor: Aki nem a Tiszára szavaz, az Putyinra, Matolcsy fiára és Andi táskájára fog". HVG.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 10 April 2026.
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  253. ^ "🕊️Én a változásra szavazok. #szavazás2026 #tisza #pokornyliahivatalos #pokornylia". Instagram.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 11 April 2026.
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  255. ^ "Alföldi Róbert a kutyájával szavazott". Blikk.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  256. ^ "Nádai Anikó nem csinál problémát abból, hova húzta az X-et: megmutatta szavazólapját". 24.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  257. ^ "2021-ben a Partizánban mondtam Gulyás Marcinak, hogyha lesz normális ellenzéki párt, akkor majd beállok mögé szívesen, mert változásra van szüksége az országnak. Ma, 2026-ban végre van hova húzni az X-et. Menjünk el minél többen szavazni, áradjon!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  258. ^ "szerelmeim! mit csinálunk ma? döntünk! megyünk szavazni! utána buli, de csak mértékkel, mert hétfőn edzés! tudjátok, mit mondok mindig: a haladás mindig vihart kavar! lesssgo!🇭🇺 ❤️🤍💚". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
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  260. ^ "'89 után újra megpróbáljuk!". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  261. ^ "Hujber Feri önkéntes őrszemnek állt: 'Pénzzel, droggal, tűzifával, fenyegetéssel próbálják megszerezni a legszegényebbek szavazatait'". Blikk.hu (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
  262. ^ "Első szavazós karkötő. 🇭🇺 Büszkeség. ❤️ Egy szavazattal több a csodás, szabad, európai Magyarországért. Megcsináljuk. ❤️🤍💚". Facebook.com (in الهنغارية). Retrieved 12 April 2026.
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قالب:Hungarian elections

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