سكوانتو

سكوانتو
Squanto
Squantoteaching.png
رسم توضيحي لسكوانتو في عام 1911 أثناء تعليمه مستعمري پليموث زراعة الذرة.
وُلِدَ
Tisquantum

(1585-12-04)ديسمبر 4, 1585
إقليم پاتكست، اتحاد الوامپانواگ
(modern خليج پليموث، مساتشوستس، الولايات المتحدة)
توفي30 نوفمبر 1622 (عن عمر 37)
تشاتم، مستعمرة خليج مساتشوستس
القوميةقبيلة پاتكست
عـُرِف بـمساعدة الحجاج أثناء زيارتهم الأولى لأمريكا الشمالية

سكوانتو Squanto، (و. 1 يناير 1585 – ت. 30 نوفمبر 1622), هو أحد الأمريكان الأصليين الذين ساعدوا الحجاج بعد أول شتاء لهم في العالم الجديد وكان له الفضل الكبير في بقائهم على قيد الحياة. وكان ينتمي إلى قبيلة پاتكست، رافد اتحاد الوامپانواگ.

حياته المبكرة والاستعباد

عندما كان طفلا خطفه نخاس إنگليزي صغيرا، فاستعبده في إنگلترا ثم باعه في (مالقا)، ثم هرب من العبودية مرتين، فعاش في إنگلترا ثم في اسپانيا، قبل ان يبدأ رحلة العودة إلى وطنه، ويقطع المحيط الأطلسي ذهابا وإيابا ست مرات، لاقى فيها من الأهوال ما يجعل من (إوديسة) (أوليسيس) مجرد سباحة في بركة ماء.[1]

الرجوع إلى أمريكا الشمالية

لقد عاد (سكوانتو) إلى (پليموث) عام 1619 ليجد أن (العامل الطبيعي) قد أباد كل عائلته.

التفاعل مع الحجاج

عمل مترجما متطوعا بين (الحُجّاج) وبين الهنود. وتكشف قصة (سكوانتو) مع (الحُجّاج) التفوق الأخلاقي والعقلي والحضاري للهنود.

وتروي عشرات الكتب التي أرخت لهذا الفتى الأسطورة، وعشرات الأفلام، وقصص التبشير التي إستلهمت قصة حياته وجنت منها الملايين، كيف انتشل (سكوانتو) أسطورة أمريكا من الموت في شتائها الأول، حين أحضر (للحُجّاج) الطعام، وعلمهم كيف يزرعون الذرة واليقطين، وأنواع الحبوب والقرعيات، وكيف يصطادون السمك، ويسمدون الأرض ببعض أنواعه، بل وكيف يتسلون، ويتخلصون من قذاراتهم، وروائحهم الكريهة عبثا.

وتتحدث (فيني زاينر) في كتابها عن (سكوانتو) و(روبرت لويب) في كتابه (حقيقة الحُجّاج) و(فرانسيس جيننجز) في كتابه (إجتياح أمريكا) كيف أن (سكوانتو) لاحظ أثناء عبوديته في إنگلترا ثم اسپانيا أن الأوروبيين يكرهون النظافة وقلما يستحمون أو يبدلون ثيابهم، وكيف أنه تقزز من روائح (الحُجّاج) الكريهة، وحاول عبثا إقناعهم بالإغتسال والنظافة.

وفاته

لقد أتى (العامل الطبيعي) على حياة (سكوانتو) سريعا فألحقه الجدري بأهله الهنود، وإن كان الحاكم (وليام برادفورد) وهو من أبرز من أبرموا العهد مع الله على متن سفينة الحُجّاج (مايفلاور) قد تمنى له مآلا أرفع من مآل أهله وثنيي (كنعان الجديدة) فرثاه ودعا له بأن تصعد روحه إلى الرفيق الإنگليزي الأعلى في السماء، وقد كانت تلك الصلاة عمليا آخر عيد للشكر شهدته أمريكا.


Thanksgiving

Bradford wrote in his journal that come fall together with their harvest of Indian corn, they had abundant fish and fowl, including many turkeys they took in addition to venison. He affirmed that the reports of plenty that many report "to their friends in England" were not "feigned but true reports".[2] He did not, however, describe any harvest festival with their native allies. Winslow, however, did, and the letter which was included in Mourt's Relation became the basis for the tradition of "the first Thanksgiving".[أ]

Winslow's description of what was later celebrated as the first Thanksgiving was quite short. He wrote that after the harvest (of Indian corn, their planting of peas were not worth gathering and their harvest of barley was "indifferent"), Bradford sent out four men fowling "so we might after a more special manner rejoice together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labours ..."[4] The time was one of recreation, including the shooting of arms, and many Natives joined them, including Massasoit and 90 of his men,[ب] who stayed three days. They killed five deer which they presented to Bradford, Standish and others in Plymouth. Winslow concluded his description by telling his readers that "we are so farre from want, that we often wish you partakers of our plentie."[6]

The Narragansett threat

The various treaties created a system where the English settlers filled the vacuum created by the epidemic. The villages and tribal networks surrounding Plymouth now saw themselves as tributaries to the English and (as they were assured) King James. The settlers also viewed the treaties as committing the Natives to a form of vassalage. Nathaniel Morton, Bradford's nephew, interpreted the original treaty with Massasoit, for example, as "at the same time" (not within the written treaty terms) acknowledging himeself "content to become the Subject of our Sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, His Heirs and Successors, and gave unto them all the Lands adjacent, to them and their Heirs for ever".[7] The problem with this political and commercial system was that it "incurred the resentment of the Narragansett by depriving them of tributaries just when Dutch traders were expanding their activities in the [Narragansett] bay".[8] In January 1622 the Narraganset responded by issuing an ultimatum to the English.

ملف:Fiske, Map of Southern New England.png
Map of Southern New England in the 17th century with locations of prominent societies of Ninnimissinuok.

In December 1621 the Fortune (which had brought 35 more settlers) had departed for England.[ت] Not long afterwards rumors began to reach Plymouth that the Narragansett were making warlike preparations against the English.[ث] Winslow believed that that nation had learned that the new settlers brought neither arms nor provisions and thus in fact weakened the English colony.[12] Bradford saw their belligerency as a result of their desire to "lord it over" the peoples who had been weakened by the epidemic (and presumably obtain tribute from them) and the colonists were "a bar in their way".[13] In January 1621/22 a messenger from Narraganset sachem Canonicus (who travelled with Tokamahamon, Winslow's "special friend") arrived looking for Tisquantum, who was away from the settlement. Winslow wrote that the messenger appeared relieved and left a bundle of arrows wrapped in a rattlesnake skin. Rather than let him depart, however, Bradford committed him to the custody of Standish. The captain asked Winslow, who had a "speciall familiaritie" with other Indians, to see if he could get anything out of the messenger. The messenger would not be specific but said that he believed "they were enemies to us." That night Winslow and another (probably Hopkins) took charge of him. After his fear subsided, the messenger told him that the messenger who had come from Canonicus last summer to treat for peace, returned and persuaded the sachem on war. Canonicus was particularly aggrieved by the "meannesse" of the gifts sent him by the English, not only in relation to what he sent to colonists but also in light of his own greatness. On obtaining this information, Bradford ordered the messenger released.[14]

When Tisquantum returned he explained that the meaning of the arrows wrapped in snake skin was enmity; it was a challenge. After consultation, Bradford stuffed the snake skin with powder and shot and had a Native return it to Canonicus with a defiant message. Winslow wrote that the returned emblem so terrified Canonicus that he refused to touch it, and that it passed from hand to hand until, by a circuitous route, it was returned to Plymouth.[15]

Double dealing

Notwithstanding the colonists' bold response to the Narragansett challenge, the settlers realized their defenselessness to attack.[16] Bradford instituted a series of measures to secure Plymouth. Most important they decided to enclose the settlement within a pale (probably much like what was discovered surrounding Nenepashemet's fort). They shut the inhabitants within gates that were locked at night, and a night guard was posted. Standish divided the men into four squadrons and drilled them in where to report in the event of alarm. They also came up with a plan of how to respond to fire alarms so as to have a sufficient armed force to respond to possible Native treachery.[17] The fence around the settlement required the most effort since it required felling suitable large trees, digging holes deep enough to support the large timbers and securing them close enough to each other to prevent penetration by arrows. This work had to be done in the winter and at a time too when the settlers were on half rations because of the new and unexpected settlers.[18] The work took more than a month to complete.[19]

False alarms

By the beginning of March, the fortification of the settlement had been accomplished. It was now time when the settlers had promised the Massachuset they would come to trade for furs. They received another alarm however, this time from Hobomok, who was still living with them. Hobomok told of his fear that the Massachuset had joined in a confederacy with the Narraganset and if Standish and his men went there, they would be cut off and at the same time the Narraganset would attack the settlement at Plymouth. Hobomok also told them that Tisquantum was part of this conspiracy, that he learned this from other Natives he met in the woods and that the settlers would find this out when Tisquantum would urge the settlers into the Native houses "for their better advantage".[20] This allegation must have come as a shock to the English given that Tisquantum's conduct for nearly a year seemed to have aligned him perfectly with the English interest both in helping to pacify surrounding societies and in obtaining goods that could be used to reduce their debt to the settlers' financial sponsors. Bradford consulted with his advisors, and they concluded that they had to make the mission despite this information. The decision was made partly for strategic reasons. If the colonists cancelled the promised trip out of fear and instead stayed shut up "in our new-enclosed towne", they might encourage even more aggression. But the main reason they had to make the trip was that their "Store was almost emptie" and without the corn they could obtain by trading "we could not long subsist ..."[21] The governor therefore deputed Standish and 10 men to make the trip and sent along both Tisquantum and Hobomok, given "the jealousy between them".[22]

Not long after the shallop departed, "an Indian belonging to Squanto's family" came running in. He betrayed signs of great fear, constantly looking behind him as if someone "were at his heels". He was taken to Bradford to whom he told that many of the Narraganset together with Corbitant "and he thought Massasoit" were about to attack Plymouth.[22] Winslow (who was not there but wrote closer to the time of the incident than did Bradford) gave even more graphic details: The Native's face was covered in fresh blood which he explained was a wound he received when he tried speaking up for the settlers. In this account he said that the combined forces were already at Nemasket and were set on taking advantage of the opportunity supplied by Standish's absence.[23] Bradford immediately put the settlement on military readiness and had the ordnance discharge three rounds in the hope that the shallop had not gone too far. Because of calm seas Standish and his men had just reached Gurnet's Nose, heard the alarm and quickly returned. When Hobomok first heard the news he "said flatly that it was false ..." Not only was he assured of Massasoit's faithfulness, he knew that his being a pniese meant he would have been consulted by Massasoit before he undertook such a scheme. To make further sure Hobomok volunteered his wife to return to Pokanoket to assess the situation for herself. At the same time Bradford had the watch maintained all that night, but there were no signs of Natives, hostile or otherwise.[24]

Hobomok's wife found the village of Pokanoket quiet with no signs of war preparations. She then informed Massasoit of the commotion at Plymouth. The sachem was "much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum" but was grateful for Bradford's trust in him [Massasoit]. He also sent word back that he would send word to the governor, pursuant to the first article of the treaty they had entered, if any hostile actions were preparing.[25]

Allegations against Tisquantum

Winslow writes that "by degrees wee began to discover Tisquantum," but he does not describe the means or over what period of time this discovery took place. There apparently was no formal proceeding. The conclusion reached, according to Winslow, was that Tisquantum had been using his proximity and apparent influence over the English settlers "to make himselfe great in the eyes of" local Natives for his own benefit. Winslow explains that Tisquantum convinced locals that he had the ability to influence the English toward peace or war and that he frequently extorted Natives by claiming that the settlers were about to kill them in order "that thereby hee might get gifts to himself to work their peace ..."[26]

Bradford's account agrees with Winslow's to this point, and he also explains where the information came from: "by the former passages, and other things of like nature",[27] evidently referring to rumors Hobomok said he heard in the woods. Winslow goes much further in his charge, however, claiming that Tisquantum intended to sabotage the peace with Massasoit by false claims about Massasoit's aggression "hoping whilest things were hot in the heat of bloud, to provoke us to march into his Country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched, and hoping if that blocke were once removed, there were no other betweene him and honour" which he preferred over life and peace.[28] Winslow later remembered "one notable (though) wicked practice of this Tisquantum"; namely, that he told the locals that the English possessed the "plague" buried under their storehouse and that they could unleash it at will. What he referred to was their cache of gunpowder.[ج]

Massasoit's demand for Tisquantum

Captain Standish and his men eventually did go to the Massachuset and returned with a "good store of Trade". On their return, they saw that Massasoit was there and he was displaying his anger against Tisquantum. Bradford did his best to appease him, and he eventually departed. Not long afterward, however, he sent a messenger demanding that Tisquantum be put to death. Bradford responded that although Tisquantum "deserved to die both in respect of him [Massasoit] and us", but said that Tisquantum was too useful to the settlers because otherwise, he had no one to translate. Not long afterward, the same messenger returned, this time with "divers others", demanding Tisquantum. They argued that Tisquantum being a subject of Massasoit, was subject, pursuant to the first article of the Peace Treaty, to the sachem's demand, in effect, rendition. They further argued that if Bradford would not produce pursuant to the Treaty, Massasoit had sent many beavers' skins to induce his consent. Finally, if Bradford still would not release him to them, the messenger had brought Massasoit's own knife by which Bradford himself could cut off Tisquantum's head and hands to be returned with the messenger. Bradford avoided the question of Massasoit's right under the treaty[ح] but refused the beaver pelts saying that "It was not the manner of the English to sell men's lives at a price ..." The governor called Tisquantum (who had promised not to flee), who denied the charges and ascribed them to Hobomok's desire for his downfall. He nonetheless offered to abide by Bradford's decision. Bradford was "ready to deliver him into the hands of his Executioners" but at that instance, a boat passed before the town in the harbor. Fearing that it might be the French, Bradford said he had to first identify the ship before dealing with the demand. The messenger and his companions, however, "mad with rage, and impatient at delay" left "in great heat".[31]

Final mission with the settlers

Arrival of the Sparrow

The ship the English saw pass before the town was not French, but rather a shallop from the Sparrow, a shipping vessel sponsored by Thomas Weston and one other of the Plymouth settlement's sponsors, which was plying the eastern fishing grounds.[32] This boat brought seven additional settlers but no provisions whatsoever "nor any hope of any".[33] In a letter they brought, Weston explained that the settlers were to set up a salt pan operation on one of the islands in the harbor for the private account of Weston. He asked the Plymouth colony, however, to house and feed these newcomers, provide them with seed stock and (ironically) salt, until he was able to send the salt pan to them.[34] The Plymouth settlers had spent the winter and spring on half rations in order to feed the settlers that had been sent nine months ago without provisions.[35] Now Weston was exhorting them to support new settlers who were not even sent to help the plantation.[36] He also announced that he would be sending another ship that would discharge more passengers before it would sail on to Virginia. He requested that the settlers entertain them in their houses so that they could go out and cut down timber to lade the ship quickly so as not to delay its departure.[37] Bradford found the whole business "but cold comfort to fill their hungry bellies".[38] Bradford was not exaggerating. Winslow described the dire straits. They now were without bread "the want whereof much abated the strength and the flesh of some, and swelled others".[39] Without hooks or seines or netting, they could not collect the bass in the rivers and cove, and without tackle and navigation rope, they could not fish for the abundant cod in the sea. Had it not been for shellfish which they could catch by hand, they would have perished.[40] But there was more, Weston also informed them that the London backers had decided to dissolve the venture. Weston urged the settlers to ratify the decision; only then might the London merchants send them further support, although what motivation they would then have he did not explain.[41] That boat also, evidently,[خ] contained alarming news from the South. John Huddleston, who was unknown to them but captained a fishing ship that had returned from Virginia to the Maine fishing grounds, advised his "good friends at Plymouth" of the massacre in the Jamestown settlements by the Powhatan in which he said 400 had been killed. He warned them: "Happy is he whom other men's harms doth make to beware."[45] This last communication Bradford decided to turn to their advantage. Sending a return for this kindness, they might also seek fish or other provisions from the fishermen. Winslow and a crew were selected to make the voyage to Maine, 150 miles away, to a place they had never been.[48] In Winslow's reckoning, he left at the end of May for Damariscove.[د] Winslow found the fishermen more than sympathetic and they freely gave what they could. Even though this was not as much as Winslow hoped, it was enough to keep them going until the harvest.[53]

When Winslow returned, the threat they felt had to be addressed. The general anxiety aroused by Huddleston's letter was heightened by the increasingly hostile taunts they learned of. Surrounding villagers were "glorying in our weaknesse", and the English heard threats about how "easie it would be ere long to cut us off". Even Massasoit turned cool towards the English, and could not be counted on to tamp down this rising hostility. So they decided to build a fort on burying hill in town. And just as they did when building the palisade, the men had to cut down trees, haul them from the forest and up the hill and construct the fortified building, all with inadequate nutrition and at the neglect of dressing their crops.[54]

Weston's English settlers

They might have thought they reached the end of their problems, but in June 1622 the settlers saw two more vessels arrive, carrying 60 additional mouths to feed. These were the passengers that Weston had written would be unloaded from the vessel going on to Virginia. That vessel also carried more distressing news. Weston informed the governor that he was no longer a part of the company sponsoring the Plymouth settlement. The settlers he sent just now, and requested the Plymouth settlement to house and feed, were for his own enterprise. The "sixty lusty men" would not work for the benefit of Plymouth; in fact he had obtained a patent and as soon as they were ready they would settle an area in Massachusetts Bay. Other letters also were brought. The other venturers in London explained that they had bought out Weston, and everyone was better off without him. Weston, who saw the letter before it was sent, advised the settlers to break off from the remaining merchants, and as a sign of good faith delivered a quantity of bread and cod to them. (Although, as Bradford noted in the margin, he "left not his own men a bite of bread.") The arrivals also brought news that the Fortune had been taken by French pirates, and therefore all their past effort to export American cargo (valued at £500) would count for nothing. Finally Robert Cushman sent a letter advising that Weston's men "are no men for us; wherefore I prey you entertain them not"; he also advised the Plymouth Separatists not to trade with them or loan them anything except on strict collateral."I fear these people will hardly deal so well with the savages as they should. I pray you therefore signify to Squanto that they are a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them, neither must be blamed for their faults, much less can warrant their fidelity." As much as all this vexed the governor, Bradford took in the men and fed and housed them as he did the others sent to him, even though Weston's men would compete with his colony for pelts and other Native trade.[55] But the words of Cushman would prove prophetic.

ملف:Southern New England in 1634.jpg
Map contained as frontispiece to Wood 1634.

Weston's men, "stout knaves" in the words of Thomas Morton,[56] were roustabouts collected for adventure[57] and they scandalized the mostly strictly religious villagers of Plymouth. Worse, they stole the colony's corn, wandering into the fields and snatching the green ears for themselves.[58] When caught, they were "well whipped", but hunger drove them to steal "by night and day". The harvest again proved disappointing, so that it appeared that "famine must still ensue, the next year also" for lack of seed. And they could not even trade for staples because their supply of items the Natives sought had been exhausted.[59] Part of their cares were lessened when their coasters returned from scouting places in Weston's patent and took Weston's men (except for the sick, who remained) to the site they selected for settlement, called Wessagusset (now Weymouth). But not long after, even there they plagued Plymouth, who heard, from Natives once friendly with them, that Weston's settlers were stealing their corn and committing other abuses.[60] At the end of August a fortuitous event staved off another starving winter: the Discovery, bound for London, arrived from a coasting expedition from Virginia. The ship had a cargo of knives, beads and other items prized by Natives, but seeing the desperation of the colonists the captain drove a hard bargain: He required them to buy a large lot, charged them double their price and valued their beaver pelts at 3s. per pound, which he could sell at 20s. "Yet they were glad of the occasion and fain to buy at any price ..."[61]

Trading expedition with Weston's men

The Charity returned from Virginia at the end of September–beginning of October. It proceeded on to England, leaving the Wessagusset settlers well provisioned. The Swan was left for their use as well.[62] It was not long after they learned that the Plymouth settlers had acquired a store of trading goods that they wrote Bradford proposing that they jointly undertake a trading expedition, they to supply the use of the Swan. They proposed equal division of the proceeds with payment for their share of the goods traded to await arrival of Weston. (Bradford assumed they had burned through their provisions.) Bradford agreed and proposed an expedition southward of the Cape.[63]

Winslow wrote that Tisquantum and Massasoit had "wrought" a peace (although he doesn't explain how this came about). With Tisquantum as guide, they might find the passage among the Monomoy Shoals to Nantucket Sound;[ذ] Tisquantum had advised them he twice sailed through the shoals, once on an English and once on a French vessel.[65] The venture ran into problems from the start. When in Plymouth Richard Green, Weston's brother-in-law and temporary governor of the colony, died. After his burial and receiving directions to proceed from the succeeding governor of Wessagusset, Standish was appointed leader but twice the voyage was turned back by violent winds. On the second attempt, Standish fell ill. On his return Bradford himself took charge of the enterprise.[66] In November they set out. When they reached the shoals, Tisquantum piloted the vessel, but the master of the vessel did not trust the directions and bore up. Tisquantum directed him through a narrow passage, and they were able to harbor near Mamamoycke (now Chatham).

That night Bradford went ashore with a few others, Tisquantum acting as translator and facilitator. Not having seen any of these Englishmen before, the Natives were initially reluctant. But Tisquantum coaxed them and they provided a plentiful meal of venison and other victuals. They were reluctant to allow the English to see their homes, but when Bradford showed his intention to stay on shore, they invited him to their shelters, having first removed all their belongings. As long as the English stayed, the Natives would disappear "bag and baggage" whenever their possessions were seen. Eventually Tisquantum persuaded them to trade and as a result, the settlers obtained eight hogsheads of corn and beans. The villagers also told them that they had seen vessels "of good burthen" pass through the shoals. And so, with Tisquantum feeling confident, the English were prepared to make another attempt. But suddenly Tisquantum became ill and died.[67]

Death

The sickness seems to have greatly shaken Bradford, for they lingered there for several days before he died. Bradford described his death in some detail:

In this place Tisquantum fell sick of Indian fever, bleeding much at the nose (which the Indians take as a symptom of death) and within a few days died there; desiring the Governor to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God in Heaven; and bequeathed sundry of his things to English friends, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss.[68]

Without Tisquantum to pilot them, the English settlers decided against trying the shoals again and returned to Cape Cod Bay.[69]

The English Separatists were comforted by the fact that Tisquantum had become a Christian convert. William Wood writing a little more than a decade later explained why some of the Ninnimissinuok began recognizing the power of "the Englishmens God, as they call him": "because they could never yet have power by their conjurations to damnifie the English either in body or goods" and since the introduction of the new spirit "the times and seasons being much altered in seven or eight years, freer from lightning and thunder, and long droughts, suddaine and tempestuous dashes of rain, and lamentable cold Winters".[70]

Philbrick speculates that Tisquantum may have been poisoned by Massasoit. His bases for the claim are (i) that other Native Americans had engaged in assassinations during the 17th century; and (ii) that Massasoit's own son, Metacomet, may have assassinated John Sassamon, an event that led to the bloody King Philip's War a half-century later. He suggests that the "peace" Winslow says was lately made between the two could have been a "rouse" but does not explain how Massasoit could have accomplished the feat on the very remote southeast end of Cape Cod, more than 85 miles distant from Pokanoket.[71]

Tisquantum is reputed to be buried at Burial Hill in the village of Chathamport, a headland burial ground above and just north of William Nickerson's 1656 homesite.[ر]

Assessment, memorials, representations, and folklore

Historical assessment

Because almost all the historical records of Tisquantum were written by English Separatists and because most of that writing had the purpose to attract new settlers, give account of their actions to their financial sponsors or to justify themselves to co-religionists, they tended to relegate Tisquantum (or any other Native American) to the role of assistant to them in their activities. No real attempt was made to understand Tisquantum or Native culture, particularly religion. The closest that Bradford got in analyzing him was to say "that Tisquantum sought his own ends and played his own game, ... to enrich himself". But in the end, he gave "sundry of his things to sundry of his English friends".[68]

Historians' assessment of Tisquantum depended on the extent they were willing to consider the possible biases or motivations of the colonial witnesses. Earlier historians tended to take the colonists' statements at face value. Current historians, especially those familiar with ethnohistorical research, have given a more nuanced view of Tisquantum, among other Native Americans.

Adams (writing in 1892) characterized Tisquantum as "a notable illustration of the innate childishness of the Indian character".[73] By contrast, Shuffelton (writing in 1976) said that "in his own way, [he] was quite as sophisticated as his English friends, and he was one of the most widely traveled men in the New England of his time, having visited Spain, England, and Newfoundland, as well as a large expanse of his own region."[74] Early Plymouth historian Judge John Davis (writing in 1826) also saw Tisquantum as a "child of nature", but was willing to grant him some usefulness to the enterprise: "With some aberrations, his conduct was generally irreproachable, and his useful services to the infant settlement, entitle him to grateful remembrance."[75] Adolf (writing in 1964) was much harder on the character of Tisquantum ("his attempt to aggrandize himself by playing the Whites and Indians against each other indicates an unsavory facet of his personality") but gave him more importance (without him "the founding and development of Plymouth would have been much more difficult, if not impossible.").[76] Most have followed the line that Baylies early took when (writing in 1836) he acknowledged the alleged duplicity but also the significant contribution to the settlers' survival: "Although Squanto had discovered [= revealed] some traits of duplicity, yet his loss was justly deemed a public misfortune, as he had rendered the English much service."[77]

Memorials and landmarks

As for monuments and memorials, although many (as Willison put it) "clutter up the Pilgrim towns there is none to Squanto..."[78] The first settlers may have named after him the peninsula called Squantum once in Dorchester,[79] now in Quincy, during their first expedition there with Tisquantum as their guide.[80] Thomas Morton refers to a place called "Squanto's Chappell",[81] but this is probably another name for the peninsula.[82]

Literature and popular entertainment

Tisquantum rarely makes appearances in literature or popular entertainment. Of all the 19th-century New England poets and story tellers who drew on pre-Revolution America for their characters, only one seems to have mentioned Tisquantum. And while Henry Wadsworth Longfellow himself had five ancestors aboard the Mayflower, "The Courtship of Miles Standish" has the captain blustering at the beginning, daring the savages to attack, yet the enemies he addresses could not have been known to him by name until their peaceful intentions had already been made known:

Let them come if they like, be it sagamore, sachem, or pow-wow,
Aspinet, Samoset, Corbitant, Squanto, or Tokamahamon!

Tisquantum is almost equally scarce in popular entertainment, but when he appeared it was typically in implausible fantasies. Very early in what Willison calls the "Pilgrim Apotheosis", marked by the 1793 sermon of Reverend Chandler Robbins, in which he described the Mayflower settlers as "pilgrims",[83] a "Melo Drama" was advertised in Boston titled "The Pilgrims, Or the Landing of the Forefathrs at Plymouth Rock" filled with Indian threats and comic scenes. In Act II Samoset carries off the maiden Juliana and Winslow for a sacrifice, but the next scene presents "A dreadful Combat with Clubs and Shileds, between Samoset and Squanto".[84] Nearly two centuries later Tisquantum appears again as an action figure in the Disney film Squanto: A Warrior's Tale (1994) with not much more fidelity to history. Tisquantum (voiced by Frank Welker) appears in the first episode ("The Mayflower Voyagers", aired October 21, 1988) of the animated mini-series This Is America, Charlie Brown. A more historically accurate depiction of Tisquantum (as played by Kalani Queypo) appeared in the National Geographic Channel film Saints & Strangers, written by Eric Overmyer and Seth Fisher, which aired the week of Thanksgiving 2015.[85] A brief story of Squanto appears in the novel Dark Tides by Philippa Gregory (Apria Books, 2020). Focus on the Family created an audio drama entitled, The Legend of Squanto in 1997 with Peter Brook portraying Squanto. The story focuses on Squanto's early life as well as his life interactions with the Pilgrims.[86]

Didactic literature and folklore

ملف:Good stories for great birthdays, arranged for story-telling and reading aloud and for the children's own reading (1922) (14768269922).jpg
Tisquantum returning John Billington from the Nauset in a 1922 storybook for children.

Where Tisquantum is most encountered is in literature designed to instruct children and young people, provide inspiration, or guide them to a patriotic or religious truth. This came about for two reasons. First, Lincoln's establishment of Thanksgiving as a national holiday enshrined the New England Anglo-Saxon festival, vaguely associated with an American strain of Protestantism, as something of a national origins myth, in the middle of a divisive Civil War when even some Unionists were becoming concerned with rising non-Anglo-Saxon immigration.[87] This coincided, as Ceci noted, with the "noble savage" movement, which was "rooted in romantic reconstructions of Indians (for example, Hiawatha) as uncorrupted natural beings—who were becoming extinct—in contrast to rising industrial and urban mobs". She points to the Indian Head coin first struck in 1859 "to commemorate their passing.'"[88] Even though there was only the briefest mention of "Thanksgiving" in the Plymouth settlers' writings, and despite the fact that he was not mentioned as being present (although, living with the settlers, he likely was), Tisquantum was the focus around which both storylines could be wrapped. He is, or at least a fictionalized portrayal of him, thus a favorite of certain politically conservative American Protestant groups.[ز]

The story of the selfless "noble savage" who patiently guided and occasionally saved the "Pilgrims" (to whom he was subservient and who attributed their good fortune solely to their faith, all celebrated during a bounteous festival) was thought to be an enchanting figure for children and young adults. Beginning early in the 20th century Tisquantum entered high school textbooks,[س] children's read-aloud and self-reading books,[ش] more recently learn-to-read and coloring books[ص] and children's religious inspiration books.[ض] Over time and particularly depending on the didactic purpose, these books have greatly fictionalized what little historical evidence remains of Tisquantum's life. Their portraits of Tisquantum's life and times spans the gamut of accuracy. Those intending to teach a moral lesson or tell history from a religious viewpoint tend to be the least accurate even when they claim to be telling a true historical story.[ط] Recently there have been attempts to tell the story as accurately as possible, without reducing Tisquantum to a mere servant of the English.[ظ] There have even been attempts to place the story in the social and historical context of fur trade, epidemics and land disputes.[89] Almost none, however, have dealt with Tisquantum's life after "Thanksgiving" (except occasionally the story of the rescue of John Billington). An exception to all of that is the publication of a "young adult" version of Philbrick's best-selling adult history.[90] Nevertheless, given the sources which can be drawn on, Tisquantum's story inevitably is seen from the European perspective.

See also

Notes, references and sources

Notes

  1. ^ So Alexander Young put it as early as 1841.[3]
  2. ^ Humins surmises that the entourage included sachems and other headmen of the confederation's villages."[5]
  3. ^ According to John Smith's account in New England Trials (1622), the Fortune arrived at New Plymouth on November 11, 1621 o.s. and departed December 12.[9] Bradford described the 35 that were to remain as "unexpected or looked for" and detailed how they were less prepared than the original settlers had been, bringing no provisions, no material to construct habitation and only the poorest of clothes. It was only when they entered Cape Cod Bay, according to Bradford, that they began to consider what desperation they would be in if the original colonists had perished. The Fortune also brought a letter from London financier Thomas Weston complaining about holding the Mayflower for so long the previous year and failing to lade her for her return. Bradford's response was surprisingly mild. They also shipped back three hogshead of furs as well as sasssafras, and clapboard for a total freight value of £500.[10]
  4. ^ Winslow wrote that the Narragansett had sought and obtained a peace agreement with the Plymouth settlers the previous summer,[11] although no mention of it is made in any of the writings of the settlers.
  5. ^ The story was revealed by Tisquantum himself when some barrels of gunpowder were unearthed under a house. Hobomok asked what they were, and Tisquantum replied that it was the plague that he had told him and others about. Oddly in a tale of the wickedness of Tisquantum for claiming the English had control over the plague is this addendum: Hobomok asked one of the settlers whether it was true, and the settler replied, "no; But the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at is pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies."[29]
  6. ^ The first two numbered items of the treaty as it was printed in Mourt's Relation provided: "1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or doe hurt to any of our people. 2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him."[30] As printed the terms do not seem reciprocal, but Massasoit apparently thought they were. Neither Bradford in his answer to the messenger, nor Bradford or Winslow in their history of this event denies that the treaty entitled Massasoit to the return of Tisquantum.
  7. ^ The events in Bradford's and Winslow's chronologies, or at least the ordering of the narratives, do not agree. Bradford's order is: (1) Provisions spent, no source of food found; (2) end of May brings shallop from Sparrow with Weston letters and seven new settlers; (3) Charity and Swan arrive depositing "sixty lusty men"'; (4) amidst "their straights" letter from Huddleston brought by "this boat" from the east; (5) Winslow and men return with them; (6) "this summer" they build fort.[42] Winslow's sequence is: (1) Shallop from Sparrow arrives; (2) end of May 1622, food storehouse spent; (3) Winslow and his men sail to Damariscove in Maine; (4) on return finds state of colony much weakened from lack of bread; (5) Native taunts cause settlers to start building fort, at expense of planting; (6) end of June–beginning of July Charity and Swan arrive.[43] The chronology adopted below follows Willison's combination of the two accounts.[44] Although Bradford's rather careless use of pronouns makes it unclear which "pilot" Winslow followed to the fishing grounds in Maine (which carried the Huddleton letter) or indeed who brought the Huddleton letter,[45] it is likely the shallop from the Sparrow and not another boat from Huddleston himself, as Willison and Adams before him[46] conclude. Philbrick has Huddleston's letter arrive after the Charity and Swan, and only mentions Winslow's voyage to the fishing grounds, which, if it took place after the arrival of those two vessels, would have taken place after the end of the fishing season.[47]
  8. ^ The islands off the Damariscove river in Maine early on provided stages for fishermen from early times.[49] Damariscove Island was called Damerill's Isles on John Smith's 1614 map. Bradford noted that in 1622 there "were many more ships come afishing".[50] The Sparrow was stationed on these grounds.[51] Morison states that 300 to 400 sails of different countries, including 30 to 40 English as well as some from Virginia, came to fish these grounds in May, leaving in the summer.[52] Winslow's mission was to beg or borrow supplies from these fishermen.
  9. ^ These were the same "perilous shoals and breakers" that caused the Mayflower to turn back on November 9, 1620 o.s.[64]
  10. ^ A marker on the front lawn of the Nickerson Genealogical Research Center on Orleans Road in Chatham states that Tisquantum is buried at the head of Ryder's Cove. Nickerson claims that the skeleton which washed out "of a hill between Head of the Bay and Cove's Pond" around 1770 was probably Squanto's.[72]
  11. ^ See, for example, "The Story of Squanto". Christian Worldview Journal. أغسطس 26, 2009. Archived from the original on ديسمبر 8, 2013.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link); "Squanto: A Thanksgiving Drama". Focus on the Family Daily Broadcast. مايو 1, 2007.; "Tell Your Kids the Story of Squanto". Christian Headlines. نوفمبر 19, 2014.; "History of Thanksgiving Indian: Why Squanto already knew English". Bill Petro: Building the Gap from Strategy and Execution. نوفمبر 23, 2016..
  12. ^ The illustration at the head of this article, for example, is one of two of Tisquantum in Bricker, Garland Armor (1911). The Teaching of Agriculture in the High School. New York: Macmillan Co. (Plates after p. 112.)
  13. ^ For example, Olcott, Frances Jenkins (1922). Good Stories for Great Birthdays, Arranged for Story-Telling and Reading Aloud and for the Children's Own Reading. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. This book was reissued by the University of Virginia Library in 1995. Tisquantum is referred to as "Tisquantum" and "A Big Indian" in the stories entitled "The Father of the New England Colonies" (William Bradford), at pp. 125–139. See also Bradstreet, Howard (1925). Squanto. [Hartford? Conn.]: [Bradstreet?].
  14. ^ E.g.: Beals, Frank L.; Ballard, Lowell C. (1954). Real Adventure with the Pilgrim Settlers: William Bradford, Miles Standish, Squanto, Roger Williams. San Francisco: H. Wagner Publishing Co. Bulla, Clyde Robert (1954). Squanto, Friend of the White Men. New York: T.Y. Crowell. Bulla, Clyde Robert (1956). John Billington, friend of Squanto. New York: Crowell. Stevenson, Augusta; Goldstein, Nathan (1962). Squanto, Young Indian Hunter. Indianapolis, Indiana: Bobbs-Merrill. Anderson, A.M. (1962). Squanto and the Pilgrims. Chicago: Wheeler. Ziner, Feenie (1965). Dark Pilgrim. Philadelphia: Chilton Books. Graff, Robert; Graff (1965). Squanto: Indian Adventurer. Champaign, Illinois: Garrard Publishing Co. Grant, Matthew G. (1974). Squanto: The Indian who Saved the Pilgrims. Chicago: Creative Education. Jassem, Kate (1979). Squanto: The Pilgrim Adventure. Mahwah, New Jersey: Troll Associates. ISBN 9780893751616. Cole, Joan Wade; Newsom, Tom (1979). Squanto. Oklahoma City, Oklahoma: Economy Co.;Kessel, Joyce K. (1983). Squanto and the First Thanksgiving. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Carolrhoda Bookr. Rothaus, James R. (1988). Squanto: The Indian who Saved the Pilgrims (1500 -1622). Mankato, Minnesota: Creative Education.;Celsi, Teresa Noel (1992). Squanto and the First Thanksgiving. Austin, Texas: Raintree Steck-Vaughn. Dubowski, Cathy East (1997). The Story of Squanto: First Friend to the P. Milwaukee, Wisconsin: Gareth Stevens Publishers.;Bruchac, Joseph (2000). Squanto's Journey: The Story of the First Thanksgiving. n.l.: Silver Whistle. Samoset and Squanto. Peterborough, New Hampshire: Cobblestone Publishing Co. 2001. Whitehurst, Susan (2002). A Plymouth Partnership: Pilgrims and Native Americans. New York: PowerKids Press. ISBN 9780823958108. Buckley, Susan Washborn (2003). Squanto the Pilgrims' Friend. New York: Scholastic. Hirschfelder, Arlene B. (2004). Squanto, 1585?-1622. Mankato, Minnesota: Blue Earth Books. Roop, Peter; Roop, Connie (2005). Thank You, Squanto!. New York: Scholastic. Banks, Joan (2006). Squanto. Chicago: Wright Group / McGraw Hill. Ghiglieri, Carol; Noll, Cheryl Kirk (2007). Squanto: A Friend to the Pilgrims. New York: Scholastic.
  15. ^ E.g., Hobbs, Carolyn; Roland, Pat (1981). Squanto. Milton, Florida: Printed by the Children's Bible Club. The Legend of Squanto. Carol Stream, Illinois. 2005.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) Metaxas, Eric (2005). Squanto and the First Thanksgiving. Rowayton, Connecticut: ABDO Publishing Co. The book was retitled Squanto and the Miracle of Thanksgiving when it was republished in 2014 by the religious publisher Thomas Nelson. The book was turned into an animated video by Rabbit Ears Entertainment in 2007.
  16. ^ For example, Metaxas 2005, praised as a "true story" by the author's colleague Chuck Colson, misstates almost every well documented fact in Tisquantum's life. It begins with the abduction of 12 year old Tisquantum which the first sentence dates at "the year of our Lord 1608" (rather than 1614). When he meets the "Pilgrims" he greets Governor Bradford (rather than Carver). The rest is a fictIonalized religious parable which ends with Tisquantum (after "Thanksgiving" and before any allegations of treachery) thanking God for the Pilgrims.
  17. ^ Bruchac 2000, for example, even names Hunt, Smith and Dermer and tries to portray Tisquantum from a Native American, rather than "Pilgrim," perspective.

References

  1. ^ "أمريـكا.. الليـبراليـة ـ الجزء الثالث". منتدى ليبيا للتنمية البشرية والسياسية.
  2. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 90 and Davis 1908, p. 121
  3. ^ Young 1841, p. 231 n.3.
  4. ^ Mourt's Relation 1622, p. 61 reprinted in Dexter 1865, p. 133 and Young 1841, p. 231.
  5. ^ Humins 1987, p. 61.
  6. ^ Mourt's Relation 1622, p. 61 reprinted in Dexter 1865, p. 133 and Young 1841, pp. 231–32.
  7. ^ Morton 1669, p. 24.
  8. ^ Salisbury 1981, p. 241.
  9. ^ Arber 1910, p. I:260.
  10. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 90–96 and Davis 1908, pp. 121–25.
  11. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 1 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 280.
  12. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 1–2 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 280–81.
  13. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 96–97 and Davis 1908, p. 125.
  14. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 2–3 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 281–83.
  15. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 3–4 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 283–84.
  16. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 4 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 284.
  17. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 97 and Davis 1908, p. 126.
  18. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 96 and Davis 1908, p. 125; Winslow 1624, pp. 4–5 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 284–85.
  19. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 96 and Davis 1908, p. 125.
  20. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 5 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 285.
  21. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 6 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 286.
  22. ^ أ ب OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 98 and Davis 1908, p. 127.
  23. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 6–7 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 287.
  24. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 98 and Davis 1908, p. 127; Winslow 1624, p. 7 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 287–88.
  25. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 7–8 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 288–89.
  26. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 8 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 289,
  27. ^ OP: Bradford 1952, p. 99 and Davis 1908, p. 128.
  28. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 128 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 289–90.
  29. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 10–11 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 292–92.
  30. ^ Mourt's Relation 1622, p. 37 reprinted in Dexter 1865, p. 93 and Young 1841, p. 193.
  31. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 9–10 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 290–91.
  32. ^ Bradford 1952, p. 99–100 nn. 3 & 4.
  33. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 99–100 and Davis 1908, p. 128.
  34. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 100 and Young 1841, pp. 129. See also Bradford 1952, p. 100 n.5; Willison 1945, p. 204.
  35. ^ Philbrick 2006, p. 135.
  36. ^ Willison 1945, p. 204.
  37. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 101 and Davis 1908, p. 129.
  38. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 101 and Davis 1908, p. 130.
  39. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 12 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 294.
  40. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 12–13 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 294–95.
  41. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 102 and Davis 1908, pp. 130–31.
  42. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 99–112 and Davis 1908, pp. 128–48.
  43. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 12–15 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 292–97.
  44. ^ Willison 1945, pp. 204–10.
  45. ^ أ ب OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 110 and Davis 1908, p. 138.
  46. ^ Adams 1892, p. 53.
  47. ^ Philbrick 2006, pp. 15–36.
  48. ^ Willison 1945, p. 206.
  49. ^ Williamson 1839, p. 56 & n.†.
  50. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 99 and Davis 1908, p. 128
  51. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 99 and Davis 1908, p. 128.
  52. ^ Bradford 1952, p. 99 n. 4.
  53. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 11–13 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 292–95.
  54. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 13 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 295.
  55. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 103–09 and Davis 1908, pp. 132–37.
  56. ^ Morton 1637, p. 117 reprinted in Adams 1883, p. 261.
  57. ^ Adams 1892, p. 56.
  58. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 13–14 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 296–97.
  59. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 112 and Davis 1908, p. 139.
  60. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 14–15 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 297–98.
  61. ^ Bradford 1952, p. 112 and Davis 1908, p. 139.
  62. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 15 reprinted in Young 1841, p. 299.
  63. ^ OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 113–14 and Davis 1908, pp. 140–41.
  64. ^ Young 1841, p. 103 n.1.
  65. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 15–16 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 299–300.
  66. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 16 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 299–300; OPP: Bradford 1952, pp. 113–14 and Davis 1908, p. 141.
  67. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 17–18 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 300–02.
  68. ^ أ ب OPP: Bradford 1952, p. 114 and Davis 1908, p. 141.
  69. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 17–18 reprinted in Young 1841, pp. 301–02.
  70. ^ Wood 1634, p. 94.
  71. ^ Philbrick 2006, pp. 138 & 383.
  72. ^ Nickerson 1994, p. 200.
  73. ^ Adams 1892, p. I: 36.
  74. ^ Shuffelton 1976, p. 108.
  75. ^ Davis 1826, pp. 85–86 n.§.
  76. ^ Adolf 1964, p. 256.
  77. ^ Baylies 1830, p. 96.
  78. ^ Willison 1945, p. 468 n.3.
  79. ^ "Chronological and Topographical Account of Dorchester". Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 9: 147–99, 164. 1804.
  80. ^ Young 1841, p. 226 n. 3.
  81. ^ Morton 1637, pp. 84, 93 reprinted in Adams 1883, pp. 216, 229.
  82. ^ Young 1841, pp. 190–91 n.3; Adams 1883, p. 216 n.3.
  83. ^ Willison 1945, p. 421.
  84. ^ Willison 1945, pp. 484–85.
  85. ^ Friedlander, Whitney (أكتوبر 29, 2015). "'Saints & Strangers' Cast on Bringing Early American Settlers to Life". Variety. Retrieved ديسمبر 15, 2017.
  86. ^ "The Focus Store". يوليو 31, 2024.
  87. ^ Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983, p. 279.
  88. ^ Ceci 1990, p. 83.
  89. ^ See. e.g., Stefoff, Rebecca (2001). The Colonies. New York: Benchmark Books.
  90. ^ Philbrick, Nathaniel (2008). The Mayflower and the Pilgrims' New World. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. ISBN 9780399247958.

Sources

Primary

Secondary

External links

قالب:Mayflower passengers and related topics

المصادر

مصادر أولية

  • Bradford, W. Governor William Bradford's Letter Book. Boston: Applewood, 2002 (reprint from 1906).
  • Bradford, W. Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620–1647. New York: Modern Library 1981 (1856).[1]
  • Gorges, Ferdinand. "A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England," in Baxter 1890, I:203-40 (1622).
  • Morton, T. New English Canaan, or New Canaan. London: Charles Green, 1637.
  • Winslow, E. Good Newes from New-England: or A True Relation of Things Very Remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New-England. London: William Bladen and John Bellamie, 1624

مصادر ثانوية

  • Cell, G.T. "The Newfoundland Company: A Study of Subscribers to a Colonizing Venture", William & Mary Quarterly (WMQ) 22:611-25, 1965.
  • Deetz, J. and P.S. Deetz. The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony. New York: Random House, 2000.
  • Mann, Charles. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, New York: Random House, 2005.
  • Nash, Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 228-45, 1989.
  • Salisbury, N. "Squanto: The Last of the Patuxets," in D.G. Sweet and G.B. Nash, Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 228-45, 1989.
  • Salisbury, N. Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500–1643. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982.
  • Weston, Thomas. History of the Town of Middleboro Massachusetts 1669–1905, Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1906.

وصلات خارجية

قالب:Mayflower passengers and related topics

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